In
his paper “The Trade Union Action of the WCL” , Secretary General
Willy Thys made controversial observations on the WCL
International Trade Union Federations (ITF's). His remark that
the ITF's are building structures in the
continents based on a
European model and that these European structures are causing
problems, sounds like an accusation of what
sometimes is called “Eurocentrism”. Needless to say that the word
“Eurocentrism” resembles the word “egocentrism”. “The
structures of the International Trade Federations are based on the
trade action of the European trade unions. Therefore too much is
invested in the institutional action at the expense of the real trade
union work. The tendency exists to build up these structures in the
continents what causes a lot of problems.”
The
paper gives
no example of Eurocentrism by the ITF's nor indicates
what model instead should be followed. No
wonder, there is not one European model. On the contrary there are
many European trade union models. That makes the work of international organizations at the same
time fascinating and difficult, inspiring and challenging.
Basically is for all trade unions world wide that they are in one or another way involved in the organization of workers at their work place in a private enterprise (national or multinational), in the public sector at different administrative levels in different kinds of public, semi-public or private enterprises like telephone companies, water supply, railway companies and others, in national or private education centres, in the retail sectors, in banks (private or public), the agricultural sector (the small farmers and the large crop producers on national or multinational level) and then of course at last but not at least, the informal sectors.
Basically is for all trade unions world wide that they are in one or another way involved in the organization of workers at their work place in a private enterprise (national or multinational), in the public sector at different administrative levels in different kinds of public, semi-public or private enterprises like telephone companies, water supply, railway companies and others, in national or private education centres, in the retail sectors, in banks (private or public), the agricultural sector (the small farmers and the large crop producers on national or multinational level) and then of course at last but not at least, the informal sectors.
Sometimes, the differences in economic and social realities between
the continents led to large debates about who are to be considered as
workers and what kind of trade unions can become a member of the
international federation. I remember very well my first World
Congress ever as an executive secretary of the World Federation of
Clerical Workers WFCW in 1992. On the initiative of the Latin
American Federation of Workers in the Commercial Sector (FETRALCOS) (so not Europe) a
proposal was extensively debated, to consider organizations of informal workers as trade
unions, for example associations of street and market sellers. Some European trade unions opposed the
idea that these trade unions could become a member of the WFCW. At
the end it was agreed that the informal sectors make part of the
trade union world as soon as they are organized in a kind of trade
union, cooperative or another kind of association with the aim to
improve their conditions of living. Some years later the same kind of
problem was debated in a miners seminar in La Paz, Bolivia organized
by the World Federation of Industrial Workers WFIW, with the financial
support of the European Foundation of Christian Miners and the
Latin American Federation of Industrial Workers (FLATI). A Bolivian
delegation of wage workers in a mining company did not agree with the
presence of the representatives of a cooperative of independent
miners. (See "The downfall of the WCL", part 28 and part 29). So, even in the same continent it was not always immediately clear
which trade union model was the most appropriate for the workers to
be organized.
The African Trade Action Committee of ODSTA had a meeting in Casablanca in the month of March 2001. The photograph has been taken during a visit to the Great Mosque of Casablanca. Maroc. |
There are more examples at hand showing that the ITF's were not
eurocentric in their policy or structures. However, this does not
mean that there were no problems at all. One of the main problems was
the financing of international activities, actions and structures. It
may be clear that trade unions in the continents had much less money
than the average European trade unions for the financing of
international activities and/or actions (seminars, board meetings,
working groups) and structures, like for example a continental office
with a full time paid executive secretary. Therefore one was always
looking for affordable and practical solutions, if necessary with the
help of European solidarity coming from the trade unions itself or
other trade union oriented non governmental institutions.
An example of a practical solutions was to establish a continental
office in a country with a trade union with an already well developed
membership, a more or less stable financial situation and a well
equipped office. With the help of the continental federation and the
ITF the local office was converted in a multi-purpose office.
Budgets for these offices were debated on the continental level
itself as well as at the yearly world board meetings of the ITF
concerned. Activities and meetings at continental level were financed
by the continental members themselves, whereby the local union in the
country paid for the accommodation and food while the participants
paid their own travel costs. Sometimes it was agreed that an
activity, like a mission of a delegation of a continental federation onto potential
new members, would be subsidized (partly) by the ITF. Another example
is that newly affiliated trade unions from low income countries
needed not to pay full membership fees for the first 5 years or it
was agreed that the fees were invested in national seminars of the
new affiliate, with the aim to help the trade union to develop its
structures and capacities.
However,
in his paper Willy Thys mentions one example of “problems caused by
the tendency to create structures in the continents” because “these
structures do not always follow the priorities of the trade union
work in these countries (for example FEMTAA).” Indeed FEMTAA
(Agriculture and Food) had problems to maintain even its basic
structures. The reason was that financial powerful European trade
unions abandoned FEMTAA and decided to affiliate to the ICFTU
oriented Uniting Food, Farm and Hotel Workers Worldwide IUF/UITA, leaving behind FEMTAA without enough
financial means to maintain at least a minimum of an international
structure and activities. Indeed, this you could call an act of
Euro-egoism. The result was that the farmers, especially the small
farmers (campesinos in Latin America), already the poorest working
group in the world, were left on their own. Because of the
international development in the Agricultural and Food sectors, the
international lack of agricultural credits, the growing international
environmental problems and more other problems, these farmers needed
more than ever an international network and structure. I have already
described this problem with FEMTAA in part 31 of these series of blogs. Therefore
it is not surprising that
the Latin American Confederation CLAT, supported by the African and
Asian organizations ODSTA and BATU, insisted in the restructuring of
the FEMTAA. Their main argument for the restructuring was that the
majority of workers worldwide is still working in the agricultural
sector and that moreover most of the poor people in the world work in
this sector.
The remark
of Thys in his paper that the continents accept “these structural
priorities set by the European trade unions for the sake of
solidarity. This explains the development of structures in Latin
America.” is one-sided and without any sensitivity to what
really happened. European countries, United Nation institutions, the
EU and also trade unions gave money to Third World countries and
organizations for different reasons: to steal the show, out of guilt,
paternalistic interference, to buy political influence (this was
especially true during the Cold War) and of course to support real and sustainable development. Some part of the money went to
so-called white elephants: prestige projects without roots in the
local or national economy or the concerned organization and therefore
without a future. This kind of bad financing should be considered as
payment for learning.
But most
of the financial assistance of the ITF's went to activities and
projects for the development of practical trade union capacities and sustainable trade unions:
leadership training at company level, collective negotiations on
different levels, to learn safety and health problems in their
sector, the adaption of ILO conventions in the sector, how to
organize financial solidarity, how to make budgets for your own
structures, how to organize finances and so on. In fact the ITF's
functioned as a very useful instrument for international trade union
development on all levels: company, enterprise, region, national and
continental level. And also very important, ITF's learned trade union
leaders all over the world in a practical way to handle democratic
structures from company level unto world level.
The
third remark in the paper is also doubtful: “In the developing
countries (especially in Africa) there are no sectors as such, there
it relates to companies. The build of sector trade unions creates
rivalry what the young organizations makes weak.” What is meant
here? Rivalry between different trade unions within one company or
internal rivalry within one confederation? However, after the one
party system disappeared in most African countries and democracy became oficially the main ideal, the African trade union
scene changed rapidly. New trade unions, confederations and
federations were created. Rivalry became normal and why not? Rivalry
is the positive side of pluralism which is basic for the development
of democracy.
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