During several trips I
tried to come in touch with people of the Free Trade Union Institute
/ AFL-CIO. In Moscow it failed. In Lithuania, I spoke with a member
of the Free Trade Union Institute in Poland during an evening meal at
the home of LWU President Aldona Balsiene. It was a friendly meeting
from which I have deduced that the LWU received support from the
FTUI. I believe, that after its initial enthusiasm for the WCL, that
support ultimately led to the affiliation of the LWU to the ICFTU.
At the 4th Congress of
VOST in February 1995, I spoke to Mark Tarnawsky of the Free Trade
Union Institute in Kiev. VOST joined the WCL after its second
congress in 1993, where Olexander Djoulik had been chosen as
President of VOST. Tarnawsky acknowledged that their support to
several unions in the Ukraine had been unsuccessful. According to
VOST the FTUI had been too generous with financial support,
resulting in infighting in stead of cooperation between the new
unions.
It became clear that
the AFL-CIO favored support to new democratic unions, ie unions that
have had nothing to do with the former Communist trade
union-nomenclatures. The ICFTU however maintained good contacts with
what was going to be called post-Communist trade unions, ie the
former Communist confederations that after the fall of Communism were
democratized. Sometimes members of these old communist
union-nomenclatures managed to maintain all or part of their
positions.
We should not forget
that many West European trade union leaders had already for some time
before the downfall of communism, contacts with members of the
Communist trade union-nomenclature from the time of the detente
during the Cold War. Also members of the WCL had such contacts, as
for example the Belgian ACV. Jan Dereymaeker, in these years head of
the International Relations Department of the ACV, writes about this
in his article "Chronicle of the ACV policy in Eastern and
Central Europe" published in De Gids op Maatschappelijk Gebied
(The Guide to Social Life , Number 2, 1997, p.197 )
" Like many
other Western European trade unions ACV also had in the past contacts
with (political controlled) organizations behind the Iron Curtain. A
number of countries had put tentative steps towards liberalization (
Hungary , Yugoslavia ... ) and it was also common in the European
trade union movement to take part in the peaceful coexistence rather
than to give in to the - too cold - war ideology . That led to
diplomatic trade union contacts which led sometimes to mutual
invitations of 'observers ' or ' journalists ' ( but never guests or
participants ! ) at congresses. Here and there study
visits were made ( to be informed on the ' developments in the field' ) and
during the anual ILO Conference, with the simplicity and clarity of
the then world, there was mutual consultation: we as WCL or together
with the ICFTU and on the other side the WFTU . " (The WFTU has
survived the fall of communism with a limited number of small
communist unions)
About
the WFTU the following is
said in Wikipedia: "The World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU) was established in
1945 to replace the International
Federation of Trade
Unions. Its mission was to bring together trade
unions across the world in a single international organization,
much like the United
Nations. After a number of Western trade unions left it in 1949,
as a result of disputes over support for the Marshall
Plan, to form the International
Confederation of Free Trade Unions, the WFTU was made up
primarily of unions affiliated with or sympathetic to Communist
parties. In the context of the Cold
War, the WFTU was often portrayed as a Soviet
front organization. A number of those unions, including those from
Yugoslavia and
China,
left later when their governments had ideological differences with
the Soviet Union."
The pursuit of international
trade union unity is as old as the trade union movement itself. It
started already in the time of Marx and Engels, the ideological
founders of the Communist trade union movement.
It goes back to the Marxist
analysis that due to the global development of capitalism a global
class struggle will arise. International trade union pluralism as a
condition for the development of democratic trade unions never has
been an option in this view.
Since
the WCL was an independent and autonomous world organization, the
Americans had little or no effect on the WCL policy. The State
Department however has tried to interfere directly with the WCL or
should we say tried to intimidate the WCL? August Vanistendael (1907- 2003), general secretary of the International Confederation of
Christian Trade Unions (predecessor of the WCL) , told with a certain pride
about his experiences with the North American State Department. When
he began to expand the WCL to Latin America, Asia and Africa in the
50s, he was invited several times to visit Washington. It was made
clear to him that the WCL was not welcome in Latin America. The State
Department considered Latin America as the exclusive sphere of
influence of North America, also with regard to the trade union
movement.
Apparantly
the nineteenth century Monroe doctrine, according to which European
intervention in Latin America was out of the question, was still
alive. However, Vanistendael just went through and strengthened WCL
ties with Latin American unions and those in the rest of the world.
The U.S. togethether with the AFL-CIO must have been unhappy with the
establishment of the Latin American Christian Trade Union
Confederation CLASC (the predecessor of CLAT) in 1954. Especially
when the CLASC started to attack the US involvement into Latin
America as a new kind of imperialism that hindered Latin America to
determine its own future. CLASC considered the former Inter-
American Organization of Workers ORIT (member of the ICFTU) dominated
by the AFL-CIO as an instrument for US intervention in Latin American
trade union affairs.
to be continued
to be continued
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