The post-congress year 1994 began with
the annual meeting of the European Council of the European
Organization of the World Federation of Clerical Workers (EO/ WFCW)
together with a seminar in Switzerland. It was a habit from the WCL
to take care of the secretariat of the meeting and the seminar and to
provide for interpreters. During the seminar speakers from within and
outside the WFCW spoke about new developments in companies, banks
and commerce such as flexible working hours, on-call workers,
part-time contracts, etc. Also, experience is exchanged and
developments in the countries about labour and trade unions are
reported. The European Organization of the WFCW was not recognized as
a social partner of the European Commission. That did not bother us
too much. We were able to lobby for our views through our own
contacts in and outside the European Parliament . Later on we
organized a lobby about the proposals for a new European regulation
of working hours and overtime. Our commitment was the preservation of
Sunday as a day of rest, a campaign that was conducted as well by
FETRALCOS in Latin America.
My first mission with Bogdan Hossu as
the new WCL Vice President for Central and Eastern Europe, was to the
recent independent Croatia (June 1991), one of the states of the
former communist Yugoslavia. The post-communist and reformed trade
union confederation UATUC had requested the WCL mission as part of
their investigation into an international affiliation. The debates
with the UATUC Board, led by President Dragutin Lesar, were
promising. It looked as if the UATUC would opt for joining the WCL.
Thanks to a visit to an area outside
Zagreb affected by war , we were able to see for the first time with
our own eyes the destruction that the Yugoslav war caused among the
civilian population. The Yugoslavian war had become the bloodiest
violence conflict in Europe since World War II. Despite the fact that
Yugoslavia was a federal republic since World War II , in which
several nations were united, it turned out to be untenable. Once
Croatia declared independence under General Franjo Tudman without
much ado, a kind of civil war broke out . What was left of the
Yugoslav army, mostly Serbian and Montenegrin officers, invaded
Croatia . Distrust was sown and led to a cruel war between the former
Yugoslavian states Serbia , Croatia and Bosnia - Herzogowina .
Yugoslavia turned out to have been an forced artificial unity guided
by President Tito and the Communist Party.
Bogdan Hossu (on the right) and myself having a meeting with UATUC leaders in Karlovac, Croatia |
The European Union proved powerless
even to be divided over the policy to be followed. The first goal was
to keep Yugoslavia together but that proved to be untenable. Old
friendships, one thought they were forgotten, cropped up again. The
conflict was ended only when NATO under U.S. leadership bombed
Serbian nationalist President Milosevic to the negotiating table,
with of course once again civilian casualties. The negotiations took
place between November 1 and November 21, 1995 at Wright-Patterson
Air Force Base in the U.S. city of Dayton. The main participants from
the region were Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic, Croatian
President Franjo Tudjman, the Bosnian President Alija Izetbegovic and
Bosnian Foreign Minister Mohammed Sacirbey. The treaty was signed in
Paris on December 14, 1995.
In that period (November 1994) the
UATUC held its congress. On behalf of the WCL, I was present together
with Rudy de la Rue, policy officer of the Belgium trade union
confederation ACV. Dragutin Lesar was not anymore a candidate for
re-election as president of UATUC. During the conference and after,
it became clear that the new leadership of UATUC did not plan anymore
to join the WCL. Press Officer Jasna Petrovic took more distance of
us than before. As a kind of consolation, the European Organization
of WFCW could continue with the small trade union of employees in
banks. Especially the Austrian friends invested a lot of time and
money to develop this trade union. The larger trade union in the
sector of commerce, which had been invited regularly to the yearly
meetings in Central and Eastern Europe organized by our Austrian
friends, had meanwhile joined FIET.
During the conference, a delegation of
the delegates was received by President Tudman. As an international
guest I was also invited. It was a tight almost military-organized
reception. We had to stand in a row with the tips of our shoes on the
carpet and the jacket buttoned. We should not look at the president
directly. I found it hilarious. Something I had not experienced with
other presidential and ministerial receptions. I suspect that this
tight protocol was due to the fact that Tudman had been a soldier
all his life.
We go back to the beginning of the
year, March 1994. At the request of Secretary General Carlos Custer I
visited the merger congress of the newly formed Confederacion
Intersindical Galega CIG in Santiago Compostela, Spain. Neither of
the two merger partners - INTG and CXTG – was a member of the WCL.
According to Carlos, there were friendly relations. He expressed the
hope that in the future the CIG would possibly become a member of the
WCL. My presence with Véronique Rousseau, of the Department of
International Affairs of ACV, and other international guests,
including from Cuba, were good for the prestige of the Congress. As
far as I could judge, the new CIG had no intention to join the WCL
and indeed CIG has never become a member. Whether this is due to
internal disagreements or organized pluralism within the trade union
confederation or a question of ideological and/or financial
opportunism, is always difficult to assess.
The CIG Congress, 19 March 1994. |
About the
international orientation of the CIG I did not have no illusions
anymore after the adoption of the resolution against the economic
blockade of Cuba by the U.S.. Not because Congress spoke out against
the blockade, that was no more than usual. But what was not normal,
was that the Congress at the same time did not defend trade union
values as freedom of expression and association that not at all are
respected by the Cuban regime. I found it strange that a trade union
in a country that not so long ago was under the Franco dictatorship,
did not bother to defend these important trade union values. In Cuba,
a congress like the one of CIG would not even be possible.
No comments:
Post a Comment