THE DOWNFALL OF THE WCL 45 (Investment Fund International Trade Union Movement)

WFCW President Roel Rotshuizen visiting the Ghana office in Accra. 
On his left Kanga of the Ghanese agricultural workers trade union. (February 1996)

During a WFCW (World Federation of Clerical Workers) mission to West Africa together with president Roel Rotshuizen and Nebeyu Shone, CNV coordinator for international cooperation in Africa (February 1996), I got the idea to set up an investment fund for the construction of trade union houses for WCL members. A visit to the building of the Ghanaian trade union movement, which was just liberated from the one-party regime, gave me the idea. The trade union building had been donated by the British TUC - I believe - during the independence of Ghana: an ugly flat of concrete with about 5 floors. After all these years the building looked bad. The elevator did not work. There was a lack of maintenance, a well known symptom of lack of money or wrong priorities.

Back at home, I wrote a Memoradum containing the main arguments for establishing an investment fund (16 April 1996). The reason why such an investment fund is needed, is mainly explained in section 3 of the memorandum: " generally international solidarity funds refuse to finance similar infrastructure costs (trade union houses and furniture), and an (international) system of credit does not exist in this area. The result is that many trade unions stay in a vicious circle: too few resources to purchase or to rent a trade union office or training centre, resulting in poor service to its members so membership remains low which means little income and therefore no money to buy the necessary things. The investment fund is meant to give a helping hand so the vicious circle will be broken down.

Official meeting at FOPADESC, the training and office centre of the 
WCL regional organization ODSTA in Lomé, Togo. 
From left to right: Kanga from Ghana, Adrien Akouete (secretary general ODSTA), 
Asante (director FOPADESC), Shone (coordinator international cooperation CNV) 
and Kikongi (president ODSTA). Photograph made by Petrus, february 1996

The idea was that the fund would become an instrument to promote a dialogue of solidarity by providing loans that will enable the unions to build their own union house and to furnish it. Since a loan must be paid back with interest, the unions were encouraged to present a scheme of repayment based on the possible growth of trade union membership as well as activities, for example training and education. That income could be anything. In the first place, of course, dues payment followed by for example rental canteen or meeting rooms, the fees for copying documents etc. It was up to the trade unions to see what possibilities exist and to decide which direction to go.

The underlying idea was also that the unions take more care of a self-financed building than when the building is donated. An experience I had gained working with cooperatives in Costa Rica. A second rationale was that the trade unions would also wonder what kind of of a building best suits their needs, a building adapted to the conditions in the country and to the trade union. Such a building would immediately be an expression of self-awareness. I admit that it was an idealistic thought, but a degree of idealism is needed if one wants to make progress.

Visit to the Benin Trade Union Confederation CGTB. 
In the middle Pascal Todjenou, Secretary General. 
The CGTB was affiliated to the WCL.

We succeeded to convince the Dutch CNV unions in the construction and services sector to participate in the investment fund, soon followed by the Belgian ACV trade unions in the construction and services sector together with the Foundation of miners. The Swiss CNG Construction trade union decided also to participate. Ultimately, the fund received almost half a million Euros from trade unions that were also members of the WCL International Trade Union Federations.

The first meeting of the participants was held on March 18, 1997 at the CNV Wood and Building Federation in Bunnik, Netherlands. Present were the donors of the first hour. One of the main decisions was that the donated amount of money should be considered as a loan without interest. WCL General Secretary Willy Thys proposed that WCL should administer the fund. But it was decided to set up a foundation that would administrate the fund. Willy Thys also informed that WCL and ACV President Willy Peirens wondered why such a fund was established. CNV President Anton Westerlaken did not answer to the invitation to participate.

Family Photo during a WFCW regional seminar in Fopadesc (October 1997)
In the middel of the first raw Adrien Akouete, secretary general ODSTA. 
On his right side Koffi Zounnadjala, 
secretary general of the Pan African Federation of Employees FPE. 
On the first row on the left Ivo Psenner (Austria), 
President of the European organization of the WFCW. 
On the other side Charles Steck (Swiss), 
secretary of finances of the WFCW. On his left Chris Lenaerts,
from then WCL secretariat.
Charles has passed away last year.

The WCL African Organization DOAWTU had a regional office and training centre in Lomé, Togo called FOPADESC. This center is equipped with class rooms and meeting rooms, offices, a restaurant and and sleepingrooms. The building was financed by ACV Construction and Wood. After the merger on African level the building was acquired by the new African organization.

The foundation was officially registered in the Netherlands as "Investment Fund International Trade Union Movement". Article 2 on the aim of the foundation, reads as follows: the fund commits to invest in real estate of WCL affiliated trade unions in Eastern Europe and the countries of the Third World and in everything else what is directly or indirectly related. The foundation is a non-profit organization.

Soon after this, the foundation received the first applications for a loan . There were requests from Africa and Asia for full or partial funding of a trade union building sometimes combined with a training center (Ivory Coast, Mauritius, Indonesia and Philippines). The applications were reviewed by the Secretariat on their financial viability, the applicant's own contribution to the costs of the new building and the future development of the trade union. When both sides agreed on the terms and conditions, a contract was drawn up in which the amount of the loan was recorded, the repayment terms and a fixed (low) interest.

The opening ceremony of the UTAL in august 1975. 
From left to right: secretary of Emilo Maspero, secretary general of CLAT. 
Next to him Eduardo Garcia and Henry Molina, both Deputies Secretary General of CLAT. 
Next to Molina is José Jesus Plana, Director of the new UTAL. 
On his side Acacia Fernandez, 
wife of Emilio Maspero and Director of ILACDE.

The WCL Latin American organization CLAT had bought a seminary in San Antonia los Altos, nearby Caracas, Venezuela. The building was converted into UTAL (Latin American Workers University) with meeting and training rooms, offices, a restaurant, a small shop,a library, a communication office and many sleeping rooms. The purchase of the building had been made possible by the German Christian Democratic Foundation Konrad Adenauer. The necessary reconstructions was financially supported by several Dutch Non Governmental Organizations. The UTAL became a proud symbol of the development of CLAT as regional organization. After the merger of CLAT and ORIT into CSA, the building was sold to the Venezualan Government by ILACDE, the CLAT Foundation for International Cooperation and owner of the building.

The first few years the foundation worked well. There was a kind of dialogue between the Fund and the trade unions that asked for a loan. However, after a while some trade unions fell back in the old habit to use the money to support their favorite partners. Some members of the fund hinted that a loan had to be granted anyway even if the proposed contract was not respected and in some case even when signing of it was not realized. With the announcement of the merger between WCL and ICFTU and its International Trade Federations, the foundation eventually came to an inglorious end.

At the official opening ceremony of UTAL also was present Jef Houthuys (between Maspero and Parra), 
President of WCL and the Belgium Christian Confederation ACV. 
On his left Emilio Maspero and Eduardo Garcia. 
On his right Rangel Parra, 
Secretary General of the Latin American federation of Farmers (FCL). 
Photographs made by petrus, February 1975.

THE DOWNFALL OF THE WCL 41 (the ideas and ideals of Emilio Maspero)

Emilio Maspero speaking at the opening of the 'Asemblea de los Trabajadores y los Pueblos de America Latina' in the city of Panama, November 1978. Emilio Maspero was a passionate speaker with a great rhetorical talent, regularly putting to the test his audience. 

Emilio Maspero was not only the undisputed ideologue of CLAT but also a great idealist. All his life he believed in the values of the Christian trade union movement as basic for trade union action, was he a committed democratic revolutionary, an advocate of pluralism within the international trade union movement and an advocate for Latin American unity.

“The type of trade unionism that we specifically advocate is characterized by the adjective 'Christian'.” The term Christian, as we use it, has no sectarian, religiuous, ecclesiastical, theological, or dogmatic implications. We use the term simply to refer to the social philosophy and the ethic of Christianity as they apply to trade unionism – as they inspire its orientation, its direction, and its methods. Our unionism is based on some very fundamental ideas, attitudes, and moral concepts that are common to all men of good will. Christian trade unionism is not dependent upon any ecclesiastical authority, nor is it guided by the specified apostolic goals of official Catholic action groups. In the Christian trade-union organizations of Latin America, one finds neither religious nor ecclesiastical discrimination. All workers can enter our organizations simply by accepting our principles and programs.” (page 208, 'Trade Unionism as an Instrument of the Latin American revolution', in 'Latin American Radicalism', Ed. I.L.Horowitz, J.de Castro, J.Gerassi, Vintage Books, NY 1969.)

It is not surprising that Maspero from his Social Christian point of view has no good words for the North American labor movement. "North American unionism has always prof for processed to be a pragmatic and nonpartisan movement. Thus, it has avoided assuming an ideological, philosophical, or doctrinal character. Its only concern has leg the struggle for bread and butter and the continuing material progress of the workers."(Page 221 Maspero in L.A. Radicalism). True words which perhaps more than ever before apply on the international trade union movement now, almost 50 years after being written and nearly 25 years after the end of the Cold War. The international trade union movement has turned into a so called "bread and butter trade unionism" that only cares about the material prosperity of its members and followers, without having an eye for the spiritual needs of the workers and the people in general. This lack of spiritual inspiration in the trade union movement can be one of the causes why the trade unions appeals to fewer and fewer young people.

Part of the Presidium of the 'Asemblea de los Trabajadores y los Pueblos de America Latina" in Panama city, November 1978. In the centre Emilio Maspero. On the right Jan Kulakowski, Secretary general of the WCL.

Maspero accused the North American labor movement from a lack of respect for pluralism in the international trade union movement. “With respect to relations, we have always been granted just one alternative: that we disappear as an organization and a reality so that we might be annexed and absorbed by the trade-union organizations inspired, promoted, and financed in latin America by North-American trade-union organizations and the U.S. Government. There is not the slightest respect for international pluralism. The idea is to monopolize all in order to place it at the service of a formula, and of interests and partial viewpoints of one single sector of the democratic trade unionism of the two Americas – disavowing all the other democratic trade-union organizations which are making their own original efforts in latin America.” (page 229, Maspero in L.A. radicalism).

But with the end of the Cold War, 25 years ago, came no end to the pursuit of global hegemony of the North American trade union movement. The Canadian union confederation CLAC, a former member of the WCL, de facto was evicted from the new International Trade Union Confederation ITUC, through manipulations of the North American-oriented Canadian trade union confederation CLC. In their brochure “Highlights of an alternative labour movement” the following is said about the differences between the North American trade unions and CLAC.

“Canadian mainline trade unions are monopolistic in character and reject pluralism as being divisive. North American trade unions do not favour the emancipation of workers as co-workers or partners in the enterprisen because, as such, it is feared they would identify more with the company than with the union. And that would be a serious threat to the union's power and influence. Unions represent workers over against the company. Here lie the roots of the adversary system that forever keeps management and workers apart, and it is the source of a deplorable record of days lost to labour disputes. The two parties are implacable foes when it comes to dividing the economic pie; strikes and lockouts are almost invariable over wages and benefits and rarely over other concerns. It should be noted that, in general, employers have the same perspective on labour relations. Much effort is put into keeping a union out of the workplace, and when employees do bring in a trade union, employers do what they can to minimize the role the union can play. CLAT believes that the materialistic view of work, of workers, and of the enterprise – a view shared by both managemant and unions – is the very opposite of the Christian idea of stewardship, calling, participation, service and responsibility. (page 14 and 15)

The Mexican trade union leader José Merced Gonzalez at the Asemblea in Panamay City.

The new argument for more unity in the trade union movement now was the globalization of the world economy. It was assumed that because the economy is globalized, that the unions should be globalized also in a united trade union confederation at the global level. In practice, however, a very small minority of workers has to do with the globalized economy in the form of international companies. The vast majority of employees work in a local or rather national industry with its own national laws, labor and industrial relations,wage levels and so on. Why can these not be addressed in different ways, nationally and internationally? Besides, why pluralism would be the opposite to solidarity? This is not true. It is the other way around. Pluralism and solidarity are mutually reinforcing.

Maspero judged even harder on the communist trade union movement in his continent than on the North American labor movement. “Communists have contributed very little to the cause of trade unionism in Latin America. However misdirected, the initiative of North America trade unions ahs, at least, aided in the organization of numerous groups and has rendered some positive service. Communistis, on the other hand,have always preferred to penetrate, infiltrate, and dominate the existing trade unions so that they can bring them into line with imperialistic Communist strategy.” (page 222, Maspero in L.A. Radicalism).

That Maspero for all believed in the ideal of a democratic revolution, with the emphasis on democracy, is illustrated by the following quote. “For us in the Christian trade union movement , democracy is the political form that the social revolution that we hope to wage will introduce. This democracy has nothing to do with capitalism as it now exists in Latin America. To function and to perfect itself in our environment, democracy must trannscend the present capitalist system and introduce for the firts time democratic principles, not only into the political but also into the social and economic oder. Given the value judgments that tend to attach to these words in Latin America, the penchant to picture capitalism and democracy as bedfellows has caused many to lose hope in political freedom, to reject democracy, and to incline toward totalitarianism.”(page 220-221, Maspero in L.A. Radicalism)

Indeed, the major problem in Latin America is the corruption of democracy by the political elite of the continent, as Maspero says. The brutal and violent coup of General Pinochet in 1974 against the democratically elected leftist Chilean President Allende, did make it worse for those who believe in democracy as the way to change. To make matters worse democracy was also corrupted by the Cuban revolution. “Cuba presents a very clear case. True, the Cuban phenomenon can be considered from one point of view as an accelerator of the revolutionary process on our continent. But the present Cuban experience is more a counter revolutionary phenomenon that has hindered the Latin American social revolution, which must always seek its own and original channels. Owing to the presence of international Communism the Cuban labor movement has lost its autonomy and become, in effect, counter revolutionary in nature.” (page 222, Maspero in L.A. Radicalism)

George Fortuné, Haitian trade union leader who lived for many years in exile in Caracus during the regime of Papa Doc and his son Baby Doc. (VII CLAT Congress,San José, Costa Rica, November 1977)

The result was a growing confusion in revolutionary ranks on the value of democracy as a principle and as a tool for change. Many unions and even church groups such as the basic ecclesial groups with their liberation doctrine rushed into the arms of totalitarian movements and parties in despair at the lack of real change in Latin America. The result was that the violent power struggle became even more violent and brutal than before as was the case in El Salvador and Guatemala. As always the ordinary people suffered the most. Furthermore, it led to destruction and stagnation instead of change and progress. The confusion continues to this day in Latin America, as evidenced by the events of the Bolivarian Venezuela. Once again there is the risk that democracy will be sacrificed to a socialist experiment that instead of bringing progress and development, leads to more polarization, the loss of production capacity, a financial disaster, up to the demise of the infrastructure and to more oppression of the human rights.

CLAT was also confused by these developments. I remember CLAT had no clear strategic options from the moment Chavez was elected president. What to do against this populist caudillo who let the poor believe that wealth is within reach if only they followed him? In the meantime the political elite of Christian and Social Democrats were not any more an alternative. On the contrary, they had corrupted democracy from within and outside. Within the labor movement the confusion exacerbated when the Chavez government actively began to interfere with the unions. For CLAT nothing else was left, but trying to survive in the hope that the troubles would disappear.

As if this was not enough, Maspero witnessed before his death the demise of his great ideal of Latin American unity. With his radical socialism of the twentieth century, Chavez managed to destroy in few years the institutions of Latin American Unity that were built up through difficult negotiations in many years. In just a couple of years Latin America was back to nearly zero. In his lifetime Maspero witnessed the change of Latin America from a continent of hope in the sixties of the last century into a continent of despair.

After the death of Maspero in 2000, Brazil remained true to the democratic principles, thanks to the former radical union leader Lula da Silva, who was President from 2003 to 2011. But this was too late for CLAT. In the prevailing confusion in Latin America, followed by the death of Emilio Maspero, new CLAT leaders had become vulnerable to pressure from the international trade union movement and in particular of the World Confederation of Labour WCL. CLAT bowed his head and became part of the new Latin American trade union CSA, the regional organization of ITUC.

For Emilio Maspero the European Union and the European welfare state were always an inspiring example, the answer to the North American individualistic capitalism. It is therefore particularly tragic that CLAT ultimately is seduced to merge with the ORIT by the European trade unions. We can only guess what will be the implications of this new trade union unity for the future of Latin America. It is certain that with the death of Emilio Maspero ultimately an inspiring movement as CLAT has disappeared from the Latin American scene.

For the Dutch speaking readers who are interested in the history of CLAT, I refer to the brochure "The trade union movement as an instrument of revolution in Latin America," published in the series Kosmodok, June / July 1970 jrg.3 No. 6/7. The brochure has been compiled by Gerrit Bruin, a pseudonym for Gerrit Pruim, former general secretary of the Dutch solidarity association CLAT Netherlands (formerly CLASC Netherlands).

THE DOWNFALL OF THE WCL 40 (The Death of Emilio Maspero)

CLAT Secretary General Emilo Maspero at the VII CLAT Congress in San José, Costa Rica, November 1977

Has the death of CLAT General Secretary Emilio Maspero in the year 2000 something to do with the fall of the WVA? Some believe so. They think, that if Emilio Maspero would be still alive that CLAT and WCL probably still would exist. I suspect too, but of course I am not sure about it. Why the suspicion? Because Maspero was unquestionably a man with a clear vision, self-confidence, strategic insight, authority and independence.

The Dominican trade union leader, former General Secretary of the FEMTAA (International Federation of Workers in Food and Agriculture) and now General Secretary of the CLATJUP (Latin American Federation of Pensioners) José Gomez Cerda has known Emilio Maspero for nearly a lifetime. He characterizes Maspero as follows in his in Spanish written blog “Emilio Maspero: el dirigente sindical" :

Emilio Maspero speaking at the opening of the VII CLAT Congress. 

"The charisma of Maspero had to do with his style as a speaker: frank, clear, lucid, with good intonation, clear ideas, profound messages, excellent diction, proposals for problems and a message of hope for the future of the workers. He was able to excite people, he always left a reflection for the listeners. Emilio spoke from the heart, and he believed what he said, thus convincing the audience.

After “America Latina, Hora Cero” he did not write many books, but if you would collect all his ideas, you could publish dozens of books with his works.

As ideologue Emilio had clear thoughts, he was an intellectual, a philosopher with humanistic and christian principles, he always presented the Christian social doctrine, adapted to the workers, to the trade unions, he never denied being a Christian, on the contrary he told everybody everywhere.

As strategist Máspero knew where he was going, what were his objectives (which were those of CLAT) and where he wanted to arrive. He knew to detect who the opponents were, and "how to distinguish to unite" . He knew also to listen to all sectors, to read,to study and to write, (although this looks easy, this is very difficult for an international leader who is permanently in action), what always kept him aware of all world events.

As tactician, Emilio knew how to use human and financial resources, so that they could better serve the cause. He had a natural flair for understanding situations and people.

As a trade union politician, he was an example of daily work with an incalculable production, of permanent action, at the events, where problems existed, always giving input, criteria, suggestions, ideas, reflections. He made every effort to fulfill his promises. As a good executive his first work was to fulfill and to enforce the agreements and resolutions of the management bodies.

These virtues, together in one intelligent leader with the privileged memory of time for events, people, dates and appointments, made of him one of the best international and world leaders, because his contributions were not only for CLAT, but also for his duties as Vice President of the World Confederation of Labour (WCL), which allowed him to give his views, opinions and ideas in global seminars, conferences and meetings.”

Emilio Maspero was a charismatic trade union leader and therefore 40 years the uncontested Secretary General of CLAT .

Emilio Maspero was therefore the uncontested leader of CLAT at the beginning of the sixties of the last century until his death in 2000. You can characterize him as a Latin American caudillo for trade unions. A caudillo has its positive sides, as mentioned above by Gomez Cerda, but there are also negative aspects.

Through his indisputable leadership Maspero had become CLAT over the years. The result was that after some time no fresh blood came into the organization. For a democratic organization like CLAT renewal of leadership and governance is vital so that new insights, changes and structures get a chance. The lack of innovation at the top led to stagnation in leadership and ideas and that probably has been one of the reasons that only six years after the death of Maspero, CLAT disappeared.

From right to left: Maspero talking to his wife Acacia and to Enrique Marius, Deputy Secretary General of CLAT. Enrique Marius and Acacia Maspero were responsible for ILACDE, the CLAT foundation for international cooperation that made possible the financing of many projects

Another reason is probably the lack of sufficient financial resources to maintain the Latin American trade union empire built up with the help of foreign aid. Training and education centers were distributed across the continent, with the Latin American Workers University UTAL in Venezuela as a spider in the web. The UTAL was an original idea of Maspero intended as an instrument for the emancipation of Latin American workers and the people. Led by Maspero, CLAT made training and educational the heart of its action in response to the lack of education for the common man and the high illiteracy rate in Latin America. A costly challenge for a trade union because education is expensive and could therefore not be achieved without financial support from outside.

But foreign aid is a double edged sword. In most countries of Latin America, the trade unions could not afford such training and education institutes. Also in Europe, unions are helped by their governments or employers with grants to finance their education and training structures. But financing from outside may also be an obstacle to the development of initiative and personal responsibility. It undermines self-finance of activities and structures. Maspero and CLAT have not been able to find a satisfactory solution to this issue.

 WCL Secretary General Jan Kulakowski was also present at the opening of the VII CLAT Congress. On the right  Alsimiro Herrera, Secretary General of the Costa Rican trade union confederation, member of CLAT and WCL.

This had its impact on the WCL. The WCL financially always has been a European affair. With the departure of the French (CFDT) and Dutch Catholic trade union confederations (NKV) in 1973 during the XVIII Congress of the WCL in Evian, France, the financing of the WCL became even a matter of only a few European countries with Belgium as first , Netherlands as second and France third. Although CLAT had grown in membership over the years, however, it appeared barely able to support the WCL financially.

Rather the reverse was the case. The WCL was seen by CLAT as a tool to finance the trade union movement in Latin America. Given the wealth of Europe, this appeal to European solidarity of CLAT (and unions from other continents) was understandable but the result was, that despite the democratic goodwill in the WCL, the ultimate authority stayed in Europe and particularly in Belgium, because of the enormous preponderance of the Belgian trade union ACV-CSC in WCL.

THE DOWNFALL OF THE WCL 31 (INTERNATIONAL TRADE FEDERATIONS)

Dirk Uyttenhoven (standing right) was elected at the WCL Congress in 1993 as Executive Secretary of the WCL Trade Action Secretariat. I was already working at the WCL since the 1 of January 1992. Sitting are Kelfallah (left) and Gbessy, both staff members of the DOAWTU training and education centre FOPADESC in Lomé, Togo.  CNV Aktie Kom Over made financially possible the African Trade Action secretariat.  The picture has been made in December 1995 during an official visit at the WCL Trade Action Secretariat in Brussels.

Looking for an answer to the weakening of the WCL International Trade Federations ITF's as the result of switching of strong European WCL trade unions towards the Global Unions (Food, Metal and UNI), the WCL Congress in Mauritius (1993) decided to strengthen its Secretariat for Trade Action STA. Hence Dirk Uyttenhoven, from the department of education and training of the Belgian ACV Textile and Clothing trade union, was elected on the Congress as a full-time Executive Secretary of the STA. From then on the STA had about one and a half Executive Secretaries.

The regional seminar and Congress of FELATRABS, the Latin American Federation of Bank and Insurance Workers, was my first experience as Executive Secretary of the WFCW. It was held in september 1995 at the Workers University UTAL in San Antonio de los Altos, Venezuela. 

The presidents of the International Trade Federations ( ITF 's ) considered one and a half full-time Executive Secretaries as insufficient . Therefore, the Commission for Trade Action CTA (consisting of the presidents of the ITF's and the General Secretary of the WCL ) talked for over a year about a 'Protocol for Trade Action' . After one and a half year , such a Protocol was signed by WCL General Secretary Carlos Custer and President of the Commission Trade Action CTA Michel Bovy. It was agreed that the Secretariat would consist of two full-time Executive Secretaries , one full-time and one part-time administrative assistant . The WCL would provide logistical support to the Trade Action Secretariat such as translations, accounting, printing, office, etc. Meanwhile EUROFEDOP / INFEDOP (public services) kept his full-time General Secretary in the person of Bert van Caelenberg, who had his own small, fully equipped secretariat, separated of the WCL Trade Secretariat. The WCT (teachers) replaced in the course of time its retired General Secretary Roger Denis (who was also functioning more or less as a WCL Confederal Secretary) by the full-time delegate Gaston De La Haye as Secretary general.

WFCW President Roel Rotshuizen (right) with Nebeyu Shone, head of the CNV Aktie Kom Over and World Solidarity Liaison office for Africa, in Cotonou, Benin in February 1996. It was the first official visit of a WFCW delegation to the African continent, visiting trade unions of clerical, banking and commercial workers in Benin, Togo and Ghana. The goal of the visit was to support the foundation of the regional African trade union federation for employees FPE.

The full-time administrative assistant was contracted, but otherwise everything remained the same because of lack of money and possibilities and so the Executive Secretaries had to improvise in time and prioritization. Also in the field of cooperation between the International Federations and the WCL everything remained the same. The International Federations went on as before, without much more cooperation and policy coordination with the WCL. Sometimes this brought tensions between the WCL Secretariat and the Trade Action Secretariat but thanks to the benevolent attitude of general secretary Carlos Custer relations remained good.

The Asian Regional Federation ABCW (Asian Brotherhood of Clerical Workers) was founded with support of BATU, the WFCW, CNV Aktie Kom Over and Necie Lucero as President of a Banking Union in the Phillipines. This picture has been taken in the year 1996.

A special case was the International Federation for Agriculture and Food trade unions FEMTAA. The switch of the CNV and ACV food trade unions from FEMTAA towards the Global Union UITA, had as a consequence that FEMTAA henceforth only existed in name. WCL General Secretary Carlos Custer found this unacceptable because of the importance of the agricultural sector in Third World Countries. He invited the former trade union leader José Gomez Cerda from the Dominican Republic, who lived for family reasons in Belgium, to rebuild the FEMTAA on a volontary basis. At the request of Carlos Custer the Trade Action Secretariat supported this attempt to revive the FEMTAA as much as possible.

In March 1995 a seminar and World Congress was held in the UTAL, San Antonio de los Altos, Venezuela with the aim to reconstruct the FEMTAA. Second from left José Gomez Cerda who was elected as Secretary General of FEMTAA. 

Thanks to the efforts of Jose Gomez was held what you might call a rebuilding World Congress of FEMTAA in March 1995 in the Workers University UTAL, San Antonio de los Altos, Venezuela. At the Congress José Gomez Cerda was elected as General Secretary. The former CFTC President Guy Drillaud (France) was elected President of FEMTAA. During the World Congress, the newly joined food workers trade union of Cartel alfa, led by chairman Adrian Cojocaru, was prepared to support the FEMTAA with a significant annual contribution. However, this was not sufficient for financing the costs of the secretariat and the necessary activities, with the result an ongoing search for additional funds.

Photo of all the participants on the FEMTAA Seminar and World Congress, march 1995, UTAL San Antonio de los Altos, Venezuela.

Through organizations such as CNV Aktie Kom Over, World Solidarity, the WCL Solidarity Fund and the ILO, various activities could be funded. But it was much more difficult or virtually impossible to fund the Secretariat in Brussels. One solution could be to move the FEMTAA secretariat to one of the continents. The most obvious was to move it towards Latin America where CLAT had built a solid infrastructure with the Workers University UTAL in San Antonio near the Venezuelan capital Caracas. For unknown reasons, CLAT did not support this proposal with the result that the FEMTAA secretariat continuously had budget deficits, which had to be completed with the help of international institutions for solidarity and/or international development.

Meanwhile, the continental organizations BATU (Asia), CLAT (Latin America) and DOAWTU (Africa) contributed to the strengthening of their existing regional trade federations or supporting the creation of a new federation . Of course the ITF's contributed to this, each in its own way and according to its available resources. Thanks to a special trade action program of CNV Aktie Kom Over and project-support of World Solidarity funds were available . However, the question of the autonomy of the regional federations was never worked out . For the International Federations the regional trade federations were independent, autonomous members with their own structures, programs, funds etc . In contrast, the continental confederations BATU, CLAT and DOAWTU were somewhat reluctant to accept the idea of independent and autonomous trade federations. They insisted on a more centralized policy and decision-making procedures. However a profound strategic discussion of this important issue never got off the ground . The two sides, the ITF's and the continental organizations, made ​​the best of it and that was what it was.

THE DOWNFALL OF THE WCL ( Part 29: Miners' Seminar in Bolivia)

Group Photo of the seminar participants. WFIW Secretary General Italo Rodomonti (ACV Trade Union of Chemical Workers), EFCM Boardmember Albert Hermans (ACV Trade Union of Chemical Workers), FLAT President Carlos 'Pancho' Gaitan and Coordinator CLAT Activities Luis Antezana.

My previous blog about the European Foundation of Christian Miners EFCM, ended with the conclusion that the announced mergers of WFIW and WCL have put an end to the carefully constructed and valuable network of the EFCM with miners all over the world. During a conversation with one of the former board members of the EFCM some time ago , I discovered that I had forgotten to write on an important seminar in Latin America financially made possible by the Foundation.

The seminar took place in July 2003 in Cochabamba, Bolivia, and was organized by President Carlos 'Pancho' Gaitan of the Latin American Federation of Industrial and Construction Workers FLATIC (affiliated to the World Federation of Industrial Workers WFIW, the World Federation of Building and Wood Workers WFBWW and CLAT ) and Luis Antezana from CLAT Bolivia. 

During the seminar it appeared that the Bolivian miners had a kind of ideological conflict. The miners employed by a mining company had the opinion that cooperative miners as self-employed workers do not belong to the working class. They should be considered to be small capitalist entrepreneurs and as such they had different interests from those employed by a mining company.

To outsiders, a strange conflict if you had heard under what circumstances cooperative miners were working. In fact, they were desperate workers. As unemployed miners they had begun to exploit the remaining tin layers in the abandoned mines with their families. The working conditions were awful. They worked almost with their bare hands. It need not to be explained how dangerous it was. They said that there were made so many holes in some of the mountains, that on a bad day these mountains could collapse.

We also visited the estate of the Patino family, who became wealthy thanks to the tin mines which they owned.

The miners families lived also in very harsh conditions high in the mountains and on the plains. They told at the seminar that, when the government began to build schools in their villages, they opposed the compulsory education of their children . They told that they needed their children working in the mines to supplement the low income. In fact, their children had to earn their own bread. After a lot of talking and explaining we managed to bring the two groups together and work towards a common plan of action.

It appeared that among Bolivians mistrust against foreign companies is very large. They believe that foreign companies are just stealing Bolivian treasures as tin, gold, copper, and also the discovered gas. In the villages everywhere actions were held against selling Bolivian gas to foreign companies. At the same time Bolivia does not have sufficient knowledge or industry to make more money from the gas than through sales to foreign countries.

A rare photo of Juan Lechin Oquendo (1914-2001). Lechin was a labor-union leader and head of the Federation of Bolivian Mine Workers (FSTMB) from 1944 to 1987 and the Bolivian Workers' Union (COB) from 1952 to 1987. He also served as Vice President of Bolivia between 1960 and 1964. Here he is visiting the solidarity association CLAT Netherlands in April 1981 during his exile because of the coup of General Meza in 1980. Next to him Cor Schouten, member of the executive committee of CLAT-Netherlands. 

But the curious thing is that while foreign companies are distrusted, which can be true, it is the Bolivian Patino family who has become fabulous rich from the mining of tin. At the beginning of the 80s of the last century, the nationalized mines of the state company COMIBOL, were largely closed because they would no longer be profitable. It was argumented that this was the result of underinvestment, by which the production would be out of date and therefore had become too low. Since the tin prices on the world market also had declined drastically, every year more money of the government was needed. It is said that since 1952, when the mines were nationalized, too little has been invested in the mines and who do not invest, sits at a certain moment with an outdated industry with all its consequences.

The Bolivian seminar participants doubted still, 20 years after the closure of most mines, that the closure of mines had been necessary. An objective and independent investigation by Bolivian experts or from abroad would not help, according to them. That would still be all manipulated by the government or its agents, supported by foreign companies. We could not help to get the idea that the Bolivian miners are trapped in their own circle of mistrust, due to lack of knowledge and reliable leaders.

During our visit to the headquarters of the once powerful miners' union in La Paz, we saw a poor and poorly maintained building where here and there miners and their families slept on the floor. How was it possible that a powerful trade union with thousands of members ultimately had nothing more than a largely neglected building? It was not the first time I had such an experience. During a visit to a flour mill in Lima, Peru, I found a similar situation. While the trade union existed for more than 25 years and was was not opposed much by the employer, they had only a poor and neglected building. When I asked how this was possible, one of the trade union leaders answered that having real estate was capitalist and anti-capitalist trade unions should not have real estate.

This photo was seen last week in the international press. The picture shows that the cooperative miners still have to fight for their survival, even against the progressive government of President Evo Morales.  You see miners' women between stones, laid there by miners to block traffic in and out of the city of La Paz. A new law prohibits miners who are members of a cooperative to sell the tin to private companies because the cooperatives enjoy certain tax benefits that the government does not permit for large private enterprises.

I'm not sure this is also the reason why the legacy of the Bolivian miners is so poor. Maybe it has to do much more with the lack of political stability. Bolivia is the Latin American country with the most coups since its independence. Some governments were miners benevolent while others worked against trade unions or prohibited the trade unions and imprisoned their leaders so they were forced to flee the country. For example during the coup of General Garcia Meza in 1980, trade union leaders fled the country and the building of the national trade union confederation COB was attacked by the army and destroyed.The result was that the trade unions did not have anymore leaders.

On the seminar it became clear that the situation of the miners in Bolivia but also in the other Latin American countries since many years has not gotten much better. The working conditions were barely evolved just like the national economy. The miners worked still in unsafe mines where conditions are a permanent threat to their health while wages were still much too low.

THE DOWNFALL OF THE WCL (PART XIX)

The last picture I made of Emilio Maspero, was in November 1991 during the general assembly of CLAT Netherlands. Second from left is Emilio Maspero. To his left is Leonie van Bladel, President of CLAT Netherlands. To his right CLAT deputy general secretary Enrique Marius. Standing in front of the painting of the Dutch Queen Beatrix, made in Haiti, Hedy d'Ancona, Minister of Culture.

Unlike the European trade unions, the unions on the American continent don't have a common project similar to the European Union. On the contrary, until recently CLAT was convinced that the North American labor movement defended interests opposed to those of Latin America. At the time of the Cold War the AFL-CIO even placed the interests of the U.S. above the struggle for democracy and social justice in Latin America by defending the foreign policy of the US sometimes together with military intervention (Cuba, Dominican Republic, Chile etc) and even supporting dictatorships (Paragua, Nicaragua) . Has this been changed since the end of the Cold War? Maybe nowadays the AFL-CIO feels more connected with the Latin American trade union struggle for democracy and social justice than before but the question remains which model the AFL-CIO sees as the most appropriate for Latin America? That of neo-liberal capitalism, which has indeed brought much prosperity for North American workers, or the European model with its social dialogue, its network of social and health services, protection of the labor market etc.?

Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez identified himself strongly with the Great Liberator Simon Bolivar (digital photo composition by Petrus)

In this ongoing debate between the northern and southern part of the American continent, which was conducted by CLAT with a certain ferocity, the Twentieth-Century Socialism of Venezuelan President Chavez sowed once again confusion. Just then also died Emilio Maspero (2000), the man who had made CLAT great with his intellectual power and energy. And if that was not enough, shortly thereafter from Europe came the first rumours about a merger of the WCL with the ICFTU. For CLAT General Secretary Eduardo Garcia, who had become the successor of Emilio Maspero, it must have been difficult times. How CLAT was going to continue without the WCL because it became soon clear that particularly the Belgian ACV/CSC was serious about the merger (under pressure from the Walloon side ). Without WCL there would be no more international political and financial backing for CLAT. The merger of WCL with ICFTU would certainly lead to financial problems and that would be very bad at all for CLAT with its headquarters and training and education center UTAL in Venezuela, the very country of President Chavez.

The tragedy is, that despite the many millions of dollars in aid from Europe during the last decennia, the CLAT had not succeeded to become financially independent. There are many causes for this. First of all the overall lack of political stability in Latin America due to poverty , social injustice , undemocratic political leadership , unemployment , the place of the military in the political system ( in some Latin American countries the budget of the army is many times larger than for example of the ministry of education or social services programs ), and so on. The second cause is the inability of unions to develop a sound financial policy. Solidarity is a commonly used word in Latin America, but it appears very difficult to put it into practice. Besides, trade union members feel more like a victim without self-esteem than people with confidence in the future. Many trade unions promote this culture of "being victim", not realizing that this undermines the confidence of their own members. All this is reinforced by a widespread lack of trade union democracy and transparency, whereby many trade unionists distrust the trade union and do not see their own trade union as their own responsibility. The consequence is that the payment of trade union contribution is low and irregular.

Opening of the UTAL in 1975. From left to right: Victor Duran who became later Director of UTAL, José Merced Gonzalez who was also WCL Confederal Secretary and Rangel Parra, General Secretary of the Latin American Federation of small Farmers (FCL).

Of course, CLAT also looked for other financial sources than membership fees, to finance its budget. For an international organization this is not easy . Nevertheless, with foreign aid in the course of decades, many projects have been set up , designed to make possible self-financing of CLAT. Many of these projects failed, due to lack of entrepreneurial and management skills. To lead succesfully a business requires other skills than leading a union. For example, thanks to the support of the Dutch NOVIB , CLAT had in the seventies its own printing company in Caracas, Venezuela . Despite the support of two Dutch experts paid by the NOVIB, the company had to be sold after some years . CLAT has also tried to reduce the costs of UTAL by renting it to outsiders but also failed to a large extent and had to knock back on the doors of European donors.

On WCL Board Meetings Emilio Maspero talked about opportunities to present projects in the various bodies of the European Union to support the WCL and its regional organizations, including CLAT . He spoke at one point even about the golden mountains of the European Union. A misunderstanding that I would have liked to make clear to him, but I believed this was a matter of discussion to be led by WCL chairman Willy Peirens. As a member of the Steering Committee of the European Trade Union Confederation ETUC, he was well informed that the European Union was the domain par excellence of the ETUC. Since WCL unions are a minority in the ETUC it was hardly possible to make use of EU funds. In the framework of the Phare-Tacis program repeatedly it has been tried to present projects with the aim to build democratic unions in Ukraine and Belarus. But one way or another, those WCL projects never met all bureaucratic requirements . After being rejected two, three times, while others less well–founded projects were approved , there was no other choice but to give up.

Left we see Arie Hordijk (1927-2010), former Secretary General of CNV Netherlands. he is one of the speakers inuring a protest against cutting back aid for development before the Dutch Parliament. In the middle Gerrit Pruim, Secretary of CNV Aktie Kom Over (changed to CNV Internationaal). The Dutch confederation CNV organized  the protest. On the right you see as one of the speakers the Dutch politician Cor Kleisterlee.The other speaker was professor Jan Tinbergen, Nobelprize winner for his work on macro-economics.  Hordijk together with CNV chairman Lanser played an important role in the transformation of the International Christian Trade Union Confederation (ICTUC) into the World Confederation of Labour (WCL). Based on personal experiences and meetings with trade union leaders in the Third World, they came to the conclusion that a purely Christian international had no future while religiously inspired unions do have.

Indeed , the ACV/CSC was watching that even the possibility of a conflict between the ETUC and WCL on available European funds for the WCL or its regional members, should be avoided. Thus, the WCL was not allowed to become a member of the Christian Democratic oriented European Centre for Workers' Questions EZA (the work of EZA is supported financially by the European Union), despite the request of the then new chairman Arie Hordijk, former General Secretary of the CNV ( a key member of WCL) and EZA General Secretary Joachim Herudek. It was said that EZA was an unfair competitor of the European Trade Union Institute ETUI, the Research and Education Center of the ETUC. But to my great surprise the WCL became member of EZA inmediately after the arrival of General Secretary Willy Thys (former ACV/CSC Boardmember). I can only imagine that this was possible because of a certain kind of understanding with the ETUC on the future merger of WCL and ICFTU . The pieces on the European chessboard were slowly pushed in the direction of the merger between WCL and ICFTU while most WCL members stood outside the game.

Before his retirement Joachim Herudek was Secretary General of EZA. 

Curiously but appropriate in this setting, was the prohibition of Willy Peirens to lobby at the Christian- Democratic oriented European People 's Party EPP and other Christian-Democratic personalities at high political positions. Looking for financial support for the 23th WCL World Congress that would be held in Mauritius in 1993, Carlos Custer and myself had a conversation with Miet Smet, Christian-Democratic Minister of Employment and Social Affairs in Belgium . During that time Belgium had the Presidency of the European Union. Therefore Minister Miet Smet was also President of the European Council of Ministers of Labour. We believed she could give a financial hand to our international seminar prior to the Congress by delivering one or more speakers funded by the EU or some other kind of financial support. The WCL president rejected our efforts declaring that the Minister of Labor made life of ACV/CSC difficult. The argument that we spoke to her as the President of the European Council of Ministers of Labor and not as a Minister of Labor of Belgium, was not accepted.

The WCL Board Members at the 23 Congress 1993 in Mauritius. From left to right: Bogdan Hossu, President of Cartel alfa Rumania, Anton Westerlaken, President of CNV Netherlands, Emilo Maspero General Secretary CLAT, Willy Peirens President WCL and ACV/CSC Belgium, Akpemado General Secretary ODSTA, Michel Bovy, President International Trade Federation FIOST and Belgium Transport Trade Union. Re-elected General Secretary Carlos Custer just walks away.

In the same period I had a similar experience after a meeting with Leo Tindemans (1922-2013), former Belgian Prime Minister and former president of the Christian Democratic European People 's Party EPP . Although Leo Tindemans clearly demonstrated to be ready to establish contacts with the WCL , which he knew well from earlier times, WCL President Willy Peirens did not want to give a follow-up arguing that ACV/CSC had bad experiences with him on national policies. Again, the argument that Tindemans now is more a European than a Belgium politician was not accepted. Once again the WCL was blocked to develop contacts with one of the most powerful political parties in the European Parliament and the European Commission. I was wondering why this was happening because I was sure that ETUC and ICFTU officials maintained contacts with high ranking European Social-Democratic politicians. Also it was very frustrating that ACV/CSC representatives in the WCL Confederal Board insisted upon me as a confederal secretary for Europe, to lobby for more financial support for the WCL, but in practice I had no room for lobbying within the European Union. The result was that on European level the WCL became more and more a political orphan. How could the WCL survive in such conditions?

To be continued