THE DOWNFALL OF THE WCL 52

The WCL Confederal Board in Milan, Italia, November 5-7 in 1970, 50 years of WCL. The WCL was the oldest international trade union organization in the world. As members of the board we see Secretary general Jean Bruck in the middle. On the left President Nguyen van Tan of BATU, Secretary General Emilo Maspero of CLAT, Marcel Pepin of the Canadian CSDN and WCL Confederal Secretary Carlos Custer (left of Jean Bruck).

The WCL paper about the possible merger of WCL and the ICFTU into a unitarian world organisation identified 4 main problems for WCL:

1. The end of international trade union pluralism must not affect

     national trade union pluralism.

2.What about the balance of power and the internal pluralism?

3. What to do with the WCL heritage?

4. The future of the WCL international trade federations.

1. National trade union pluralism.

While on international level the end of pluralism is accepted, at national level this is not the case. Indeed, no national confederation wants to sacrifice its interests, its (ideological) identity and its history because of the so-called need to strengthen the trade union movement. Therefore in the paper it was considered as vital that the creation of the new unitarian international trade union organisation should not interfere on national level. “The possible creation of a unitary organisation at the international level does not imply national unification. In fact, national policies are the responsibility of national organisations and not of the international organisation. Both within the WCL and the ICFTU, there exist countries where several organisations are affiliated to a single international organisation.” No National Confederations should be excluded from becoming a member of the new organisation. “In Annex II it is clearly stated that the new organisation will be open to all organisations currently affiliated to the iCFTU and the WCL.3 (Paragraph 4.7.)

Another overview of the Confederal Board in Milan. On the left we se Emilio Maspero with his characterisic posture, Carlos Custer and Jean Bruck.

Paragraph 4 from Anex II says: “The new unitarian centre at world level shall be opened to existing ICFTU and WCL affiliates as well as to all national Confederations under the condition of being democratic and independent in principle as well in practice. The new centre will not call into question existing pluralism at national level”.

This was the theory but what happened in practice? A new organization, after all, has its own dynamics, in this case the dynamics of the majority. Pluralims is not a topic for most ICFTU members as we know from the past. The merger did not change this culture. Almost immediately after the creation of the ITUC (2006), the Canadian CTC attacked the Canadian Christian trade union confederation CLAC which was a respected affiliate of WCL, by claiming that it is not a genuine trade union. This meant of course also an attack against the former WCL, that apparently had affiliated no genuine trade unions. The result was an official ITUC inquiry of CLAC. Former WCL affiliates were involved in the investigation (the Belgian ACV / CSC and the former WCL Deputy Secretary General Jaap Wienen, now Deputy Secretary General of the new trade union world centre) had no defense against this attack. Probably they feared a political conflict which as a minority they would loose. The CLAC choose to maintain the honor to themselves and left the ITUC. The result is that from now on in such conflicts former WCL members are politically silenced.

The delegation of the Italian WCL affiliate ACLI at the Confederal Board meeting in Milan of 1970. On the right Emlio Gabaglio, National President of ACLI (see: WCL downfall 49). Shortly after he left ACLI and started to work with the ICFTU. later on he became Secretary General of the European Tarde Union Confederation. During the merger meetings of ICFTU and WCL Gabaglio served as a kind of mediator.

2. The internal balance of power and pluralism.

Every merger has to face the problem, how positions will be distributed between the merging partners, the so-called balance of power between the merging partners. In paragraph 4.7 of the paper the balance of power ratio between WCL-ICFTU is established on about 20/80 “and changing it is not a real possibility.” Apparently the WCL accepted that the internal balance of power was not negotiable. Why not? In any merger it is normal to negotiate this because this is the way to establish what the merger is worth for both partners. Now it appeared that the WCL was not more worth than what was calculated by the ICFTU (the amount of members and no more!). What this means we saw already in the Canadian case and who knows what cases will follow?

Besides this the WCL paper itself is also ambiguous about internal pluralism. On one side one expresses the fear of division because of to much internal pluralism: “Besides, competition like situations are not always positive, except when they can used to foster united action. In these cases, it is also necessary to measure the results obtained in relation to the resources mobilized.” (paragraph 4.7) On the other side one fears bureaucratization. “In a unitarian organisation, danger often lies in the opposite direction: that of working in a bureaucratic way, this stifling the internal dialogue.” (paragraph 4.8)

WCL Secretary general Willy Thys and ICFTU Seceratry general Guy Rider at the ITUC Founding Congress, Vienna 1-3 November 2006. 

3.What to do with the WCL heritage?

In the document it is proposed to create a Foundation to preserve the WCL heritage: “The WCL is however the heir of an historical component of the trade union movement rooted into the spiritual values and vision. To recognise this unique reality and to preserve its influence a Foundation could be created, within the organisation, and whose cultural and education activities could be benefitting to all interested partners.”

However, this Foundation has not been established. The same what happened at the merger of the 2 international federations of building and wood workers (see downfall of the wcl 48). The WCL heritage has not been institutionalized nor in the ITUC nor in the the Buidling and Wood Workers International (BWI). So, it was not a firm point at the negotiations on the creation of the new orld organisation. Probably, it was primarily intended to reassure the critical members.

THE DOWNFALL OF THE WCL 50

A group photo of the participants of the WCL Confederal Board made in Senegal, April 1998. 
I may be wrong but I believe this was the first Confederal Board without 
CLAT General Secretary Emilio Maspero. 
BATU President Johny Tan was already a long time not active. 
He was replaced by Noel Rebello (India) and later Muktar Pakpahan 
(President SBSI, Indonesia). Emlio Maspero died in 2000 at the age of 73. 
Johnny Tan in 2006 at the age of 82. 
Both had an outspoken WCA vision and ideals.

Before continuing the analysis of the Gabaglio discussion paper, I want to emphesize the importance of the document. Don't forget it has been used two times as a guide for the debates between the executive committees of WCL and ICFTU. I don't know what history the document has had in the ICFTU but in the WCL it has guided the debates in the European Section and therefore also in the Confederal Board. Whatever the reasons are, it seems strange that an outsider but at the same time a man of the ICFTU has been asked to present such a document. On the other side, it is interesting to read the opinion of an outsider/ICFTU oriented man about the history of the WCL.

Gabaglio writes the following about the WCL after the downfall of communism.“1.9 The WCL has played a leading role in supporting free trade unions in Central and eastern Europe (active support to Solidarnosc from the beginning). The day after the Romanian Revolution, the WCL offered its support to Cartel alfa, the country's first independent organisation, and took similar initiatives in other countries.”

This is indeed what happened and credits for this goes first to WCL Secretary General Jan Kulakowski (see blog: Solidarnosc and the struggle for the trade union movement after communism. and The downfall of the WCL part 3 and for Romania to the former Confederal Secretary Emiel Vervliet (Belgium). Unfortunately Solidarnosc gave always priority to the ICFTU for reasons which were never clarified. Was this because of the AFL-CIO that supported the anti-communist policy of the American President Ronald Reagan and therefore openly choose side for Solidarnosc while the European left hesitated to take side openly for Solidarnosc? Or was it a matter of money? Given the struggle of Solidarity against communism based on human and Christian values, I do not wish to believe in the latter.

“1.10 However, the main organisations of most of those countries joined the ICFTU, which was supported by great European confederations (mainly the DGB) and the ACILS, which was an AFL-CIO agency. The latest affiliation registered was that of the Russian federation in 2001.”

It is true, the AFL-CIO affiliated - what Gabaglio calls - “the main organisations” in Central and Eastern Europe. But it would have been more frank if he in this context had used the expression ex-communist organisations. Some, so not all, changed rapidly of flag from communism to (social) democracy without worrying too much about democracy. However, for the ICFTU realpolitik was sometimes more important than democracy. That is also the opinion of Gabaglio because later in the document he writes with regard to this about “the erratic policy” of the ICFTU.

In point 1.11 Gabaglio claims that the Austrian and Swiss confederations distanced themselves from the WCL because of not paying dues. As far as I know this had more to do with an internal dispute about the WCL policy which the executive committee could not arrange. These two confederal organisations had the opinion that the WCL did not listen to their comments and did not give enough support on European level. Therefore, on the contrary what one would expect, their trade union affiliates in different sectors continued to pay their dues to the international trade union federations of the WCL. For example the WFCW (bank and commercial employees) and the WFBW (Wood and Building) had for many years a Swiss treasurer.

Muktar Pakpahan, President of the Indonesian independent trade union confederation 
SBSI (Indonesian Prosperity Trade Union)

“1.12: At the world level, and after the fall of the Berlin Wall, the WCL has strongly developed in Africa, especially since pluralism started being tolerated within the continent. In Asia, it is worth highlighting the affiliation (in 1977) of Indonesia's SBSI, the only independent organisation of the world's fourth most populous nation and the world's largest Muslim populated country.”

The SBSI was in a certain sense for the Indonesian dictatorship what Solidarnosc was for Polish communist dictatorship. From its start, SBSI fought for the so-called 'Reformasi' with the aim to return to democracy and pluralism in Indonesia. Because of this the SBSI President Muchtar Pakpahan was jailed many times. The credits for the affiliation of SBSI to the WCL go to the CNV and especially former President Anton Westerlaken who visited the SBSI President Pakpahan when he stayed in prison and had to appear in court.

Muktar Pakapahan was sentenced several times to imprisonment in the period 1994-1998.
It was at this time that CNV President Anton Westerlaken visited him in prison 
and during a trial.

While the WCL gets some credits from Gabaglio for promoting trade union pluralism in Africa and affiliating the Indonesian confederation SBSI, the ICFTU is praised by Gabaglio for affiliating “great progressive organisations all over the world, such as Brazil's CUT in 1995, South Africa's COSATU in 1997 and South Korea's KCTU in 1999.” (point 1.13) Can it be that the word “progressive” used by Gabaglio is a euphemism for “socialism”?

With point 1.16 we arrive to the most important remarks of Gabaglio regarding the aim of the unification of WCL and ICFTU. First he declares that “the trade union scenario has changed and the ideological lines first drawn have become blurred” because of the fall of the Berlin Wall (a much used euphemism for the economic political, moral, social and ideological collapse of communism). In the meanwhile ICFTU had changed also: “The affiliations registered in emerging or developing countries in general, and in Arab countries in particular, have somehow modified the image of the ICFTU as a confederation dominated by industrialized countries.”

CNV President Anton Westerlaken at a special conference organized 
by the Dutch solidarity association CLAT-Nederland 
at the occasion of its 40th anniversary. (1994)

However, this is a to easy conclusion. The rich members have had always more voting power than the poor and weaker organisations. This has been always the case in the ICFTU and the WCL. However, the latter tried to give a greater voice to the poor trade union members by giving them a minimum presence and voting power. In general it can be said that international solidarity has its limitations also in international trade unions, whatever nice words are used.

In the next point 1.17 Gabaglio makes a remarkable observation, nearly a confession that I already announced before: “Over the past years , this change has been translated into a new ICFTU affiliation policy. In the past, this policy was “erratic”. Today, the ICFTU has refused to accept the affiliation of the leading (but not really democratic) organisation of Ukraine, and has decided to shelve its project on the unification of Indonesia's official trade unions against the SBSI, which is a WCL affiliate.”

The expression “erratic policy” seems to refer what is normally called “realpolitik”. In realpolitik, economic and political power of a trade union is more important than its democratic structure and culture. A policy well known from for example the USA in Latin America and made that the USA preferred to support a pro-American dictator in stead of a leftist elected government. A bitter example of this policy was what happened to the Allende Government in Chile (1970-1973). One of the instruments used by the ICFTU to gain control of trade unions was also to force them to unite as for example was tried once in Romania and so also in Indonesia.  

THE DOWNFALL OF THE WCL (PART 13)

The impression I have got from Philip J. Jennings during our meetings as well as later during brief encounters, is that of a dynamic and ambitious trade union CEO. A pragmatic man who is convinced that big bussiness must be confronted by big unionism. The bigger the union, the better it can do its bussiness. Therefore it is not surprising that by using the FIET as a starting point, he succeeded in creating the Global Union UNI (2000) which is now one of the biggest unions in the world. However,the problem is that how big an international union may be, it will never be stronger than its weakest members. That is true for any international organization be it the United Nations or an International Trade Union Federation like UNI. Only strong local trade unions can make strong an international trade union organization.The question therefore is how to get strong local unions worldwide?

The talks between delegations of WFCW and FIET / EURO-FIET (since 2000 UNI/EURO-UNI) were fruitless. FIET General Secretary Philip J. Jennings tried us just to make clear that the WFCW outside Europe does not mean anything. The talks were literally a confrontation between power politics and idealism. He did not endorse our argument that EURO-FIET should respect the rules of the European Trade Union Confederation ETUC.

The coupling of the membership of EURO-FIET to that of FIET may be justified according to Jennings, but it did not make any sense in the light of the agreed ETUC rules. Besides, we had our doubts about this presentation of the financial relations between EURO-FIET and FIET. Thanks to the status of social-dialogue partner of the European Commission, EURO-FIET could use free of charges European facilities such as meeting rooms including translation equipment and interpreters. For an international organization this means an important amount of savings. Therefore it looked to us as though FIET played a game with the WFCW in order to acquire a monopoly.

Emilio Gabaglio and Fritz Verzetnitsch - Signature of the European Framework Agreement on parental leave - Brussels - 14/12/1995Emilio Gabaglio (left) was ETUC secretary general from 1991 until 2003. He was also national president of the Christian Associations of Italian Workers . The year before he was elected president, ACLI had held a Congress under the title of “Workers' Movement, Capitalism and Democracy”. “Under the presidency of Emilio Gabaglio (1969–1972), who proposed a "socialist hipothesis", the ACLI went further to the left.” The ACLI was a member organization of the WCL without being very active on international levels during these years.
Fritz Verzetnitsch was ETUC President from 1993 until 2003 and President of the Austrian Trade Union Confederation ÖGB from 1987 until 2006.He was also a member of the Executive Board of the ICFTU (1988-2000). As a result of a financial scandal with the ÖGB Bank BAWAG, that caused great financial losses, Verzetnitsch left office on 27 March 2006 and was dismissed by the ÖGB in April.

We then decided to ask the CNV confederation as a member organization of the ETUC, to intervene officially on this matter at Emilio Gabaglio, the General Secretary of the ETUC.  We thought that he could convince the FIET to respect the agreed European rules. However, the intervention of CNV chairman Anton Westerlaken together with a delegation of WFCW did not give any result. Apparently Gablagio was powerless regarding FIET or did it not suit him to intervene?

As a last resort we decided to knock on the door of ÖGB President Verzetnitsch also chairman of the ETUC. I remember a friendly reception but that was about all. Did he not want to do anything or couldn't he do anything? Years later, the breakthrough came anyway. European trade unions could join the EURO-FIET without compulsory membership of the FIET. Why took it so much time for FIET to adapt to the European rules? Was it a case of ordinary power politics to secure its monopoly? You would think so if you look to the facts.

The WFCW affair made clear that the International Trade Federations ITF's of the WCL had no answer on the challenging and sometimes agressive positions of the large European trade union organizations. The WCL was responsible for the coordination of the ITF's, but in practice proved unable to do so effectively. Earlier, for this reason the metal unions ACV and CNV had left the WCL, in order to join the European Metalworkers' Federation (EMF). After joining the EMF the two unions wanted also to join the International Metal Federation IMF. So there was no forced trade between the European and international organization like FIET, but a deliberate choice of the two unions. However, the two unions had to wait years before they could join the IMF, as you can read below.

"Traditionally Christian unions join organizations of the WCL, the World Confederation of Labour. In the field of metallurgy, the WCL has no organization anymore. Thus was joining the IMF obvious. However, members of the IMF can block new unions from their country to join the IMF. This veto was used by the Belgian Socialist metalworkers against their Belgium Christian fellow union, the CCMB. And our trade union had a solidarity agreement with the CCMB: we join together the IMF or we do not. For the time being it was not. When over the years the Belgian attitude changed, it was then the Dutch FNV that did not want us to join the IMF. It took years before the barriers were removed. In 1991 the CCMB joined the IMF in Lisbon, and this year (1992) it was our turn. It is strange that our membership has been blocked for so many years, while our union was already for many years a member of the EMF, which has good relations with the IMF. " (magazine "Bondsbeeld" of the CNV Industry Union , 10th of July 1992)

Reading this article, I decided to write a letter to President Frits Hanko of the CNV Industry Trade Union in which I observed that it is only partly true that the WCL does not have a special organization for the metal sector. “But, and this is nothing new for you, we have a World Federation of Industrial Workers WFIW. As you know, we still want to be active internationally. Therefore, we could use the support of your metal sector as well." (letter of 4th of November 1992)

Thanks to his visits to Latin America Frits Hanko (on the extreme left of the round table) was well informed about Latin American trade unionism and the difficult situations the trade unions have to confront. This picture was taken during a meeting between CLAT and CNV (March 1989). The meeting was presided by the late Emilio Maspero, Secretary General of CLAT. On the opposite side of the table is sitting CNV President Henk Hofstede. On his left Wim van der Jagt, treasurer of the WFIW followed by CNV board member Anton Westerlaken. Between Henk Hofstede and Frits Hanko you see CNV Secretary Peter Cammaert. On the left of Maspero, CLAT Deputy Secretary General Enrique Marius is talking.

President Frits Hanko answered as follows:

"During the formation of a European front of the metal sector, we were confronted with the European Coal and Steel Community (founded in 1951 by the six European countries: Belgium, France , Italy , Luxembourg, the Netherlands and West Duitsland. The ECSC was the predecessor of the European Community ). It is clear that the European trade unions wished to be involved in it and I refer to the unions organizing the metal workers .

I remember still the debates about the affiliation of CNV Industry to the EMF. These provoked a lot of discussion on principles, however, because of the fact that through the WCL the intended communication with the socialist unions was not functioning, a pragmatic decision was taken.

Years later, the discussion took place about the international connection to the IMF. Last week I visited the CMB , the Belgian metal union of the ACV. President Tony Janssen said in his congress speech that they fought 12 years for recognition and membership of the IMF . His message reads "It is unthinkable to be not organized internationally with all metalworkers.” Of course I am sufficiently well known about the existence of the WFIW . Would I forget so soon the visit to South America? I believe that , if there wil be a connection between the metal sector and the WFIW, there should be a discussion with the Christian trade unions on a double affiliation.” It must be said that CNV Industry indeed remained a member of the WFIW until the merger between ICFTU and WCL in Vienna in 2006.

This piece of union history shows that the WCL was unable to provide a strategic response to the European developments in certain sectors based on its own identity, values and vision. However, while the metal unions bowed their heads for the socialist majority (sorry, but that's the image that lingers), the European Christian Miners Federation remained for a long time active in spite of the closing of mines in Belgium, France and Germany.

I must also tell you that on the basis of the letter of Lucien Stragier, earlier quoted, the WFCW invited the LBC-NVK to join a WFCW solidarity foundation. After mutual agreement on the statutes and rules, the LBC-NVK became a member of this WFCW solidarity foundation. She remained a member until the merger of WCL and ICFTU. When it appeared that the WFCW did not agree with the merger, LBC-NVK Chairman Ferre Wyckmans announced to stop the contributions to the solidarity fund by letter. Thus came into being still a complete separation of spirits after 20 years. Although invited to do so, Unie BLHP and the Luxembourg LBC never wanted to be a member of this WFCW solidarity fund.

To be continued

The above story is a personal testimony of what happened at the end of the last century and the beginning of the new millennium in the international trade union movement, in particular in the WCL and CLAT.