THE DOWNFALL OF THE WCL 50

A group photo of the participants of the WCL Confederal Board made in Senegal, April 1998. 
I may be wrong but I believe this was the first Confederal Board without 
CLAT General Secretary Emilio Maspero. 
BATU President Johny Tan was already a long time not active. 
He was replaced by Noel Rebello (India) and later Muktar Pakpahan 
(President SBSI, Indonesia). Emlio Maspero died in 2000 at the age of 73. 
Johnny Tan in 2006 at the age of 82. 
Both had an outspoken WCA vision and ideals.

Before continuing the analysis of the Gabaglio discussion paper, I want to emphesize the importance of the document. Don't forget it has been used two times as a guide for the debates between the executive committees of WCL and ICFTU. I don't know what history the document has had in the ICFTU but in the WCL it has guided the debates in the European Section and therefore also in the Confederal Board. Whatever the reasons are, it seems strange that an outsider but at the same time a man of the ICFTU has been asked to present such a document. On the other side, it is interesting to read the opinion of an outsider/ICFTU oriented man about the history of the WCL.

Gabaglio writes the following about the WCL after the downfall of communism.“1.9 The WCL has played a leading role in supporting free trade unions in Central and eastern Europe (active support to Solidarnosc from the beginning). The day after the Romanian Revolution, the WCL offered its support to Cartel alfa, the country's first independent organisation, and took similar initiatives in other countries.”

This is indeed what happened and credits for this goes first to WCL Secretary General Jan Kulakowski (see blog: Solidarnosc and the struggle for the trade union movement after communism. and The downfall of the WCL part 3 and for Romania to the former Confederal Secretary Emiel Vervliet (Belgium). Unfortunately Solidarnosc gave always priority to the ICFTU for reasons which were never clarified. Was this because of the AFL-CIO that supported the anti-communist policy of the American President Ronald Reagan and therefore openly choose side for Solidarnosc while the European left hesitated to take side openly for Solidarnosc? Or was it a matter of money? Given the struggle of Solidarity against communism based on human and Christian values, I do not wish to believe in the latter.

“1.10 However, the main organisations of most of those countries joined the ICFTU, which was supported by great European confederations (mainly the DGB) and the ACILS, which was an AFL-CIO agency. The latest affiliation registered was that of the Russian federation in 2001.”

It is true, the AFL-CIO affiliated - what Gabaglio calls - “the main organisations” in Central and Eastern Europe. But it would have been more frank if he in this context had used the expression ex-communist organisations. Some, so not all, changed rapidly of flag from communism to (social) democracy without worrying too much about democracy. However, for the ICFTU realpolitik was sometimes more important than democracy. That is also the opinion of Gabaglio because later in the document he writes with regard to this about “the erratic policy” of the ICFTU.

In point 1.11 Gabaglio claims that the Austrian and Swiss confederations distanced themselves from the WCL because of not paying dues. As far as I know this had more to do with an internal dispute about the WCL policy which the executive committee could not arrange. These two confederal organisations had the opinion that the WCL did not listen to their comments and did not give enough support on European level. Therefore, on the contrary what one would expect, their trade union affiliates in different sectors continued to pay their dues to the international trade union federations of the WCL. For example the WFCW (bank and commercial employees) and the WFBW (Wood and Building) had for many years a Swiss treasurer.

Muktar Pakpahan, President of the Indonesian independent trade union confederation 
SBSI (Indonesian Prosperity Trade Union)

“1.12: At the world level, and after the fall of the Berlin Wall, the WCL has strongly developed in Africa, especially since pluralism started being tolerated within the continent. In Asia, it is worth highlighting the affiliation (in 1977) of Indonesia's SBSI, the only independent organisation of the world's fourth most populous nation and the world's largest Muslim populated country.”

The SBSI was in a certain sense for the Indonesian dictatorship what Solidarnosc was for Polish communist dictatorship. From its start, SBSI fought for the so-called 'Reformasi' with the aim to return to democracy and pluralism in Indonesia. Because of this the SBSI President Muchtar Pakpahan was jailed many times. The credits for the affiliation of SBSI to the WCL go to the CNV and especially former President Anton Westerlaken who visited the SBSI President Pakpahan when he stayed in prison and had to appear in court.

Muktar Pakapahan was sentenced several times to imprisonment in the period 1994-1998.
It was at this time that CNV President Anton Westerlaken visited him in prison 
and during a trial.

While the WCL gets some credits from Gabaglio for promoting trade union pluralism in Africa and affiliating the Indonesian confederation SBSI, the ICFTU is praised by Gabaglio for affiliating “great progressive organisations all over the world, such as Brazil's CUT in 1995, South Africa's COSATU in 1997 and South Korea's KCTU in 1999.” (point 1.13) Can it be that the word “progressive” used by Gabaglio is a euphemism for “socialism”?

With point 1.16 we arrive to the most important remarks of Gabaglio regarding the aim of the unification of WCL and ICFTU. First he declares that “the trade union scenario has changed and the ideological lines first drawn have become blurred” because of the fall of the Berlin Wall (a much used euphemism for the economic political, moral, social and ideological collapse of communism). In the meanwhile ICFTU had changed also: “The affiliations registered in emerging or developing countries in general, and in Arab countries in particular, have somehow modified the image of the ICFTU as a confederation dominated by industrialized countries.”

CNV President Anton Westerlaken at a special conference organized 
by the Dutch solidarity association CLAT-Nederland 
at the occasion of its 40th anniversary. (1994)

However, this is a to easy conclusion. The rich members have had always more voting power than the poor and weaker organisations. This has been always the case in the ICFTU and the WCL. However, the latter tried to give a greater voice to the poor trade union members by giving them a minimum presence and voting power. In general it can be said that international solidarity has its limitations also in international trade unions, whatever nice words are used.

In the next point 1.17 Gabaglio makes a remarkable observation, nearly a confession that I already announced before: “Over the past years , this change has been translated into a new ICFTU affiliation policy. In the past, this policy was “erratic”. Today, the ICFTU has refused to accept the affiliation of the leading (but not really democratic) organisation of Ukraine, and has decided to shelve its project on the unification of Indonesia's official trade unions against the SBSI, which is a WCL affiliate.”

The expression “erratic policy” seems to refer what is normally called “realpolitik”. In realpolitik, economic and political power of a trade union is more important than its democratic structure and culture. A policy well known from for example the USA in Latin America and made that the USA preferred to support a pro-American dictator in stead of a leftist elected government. A bitter example of this policy was what happened to the Allende Government in Chile (1970-1973). One of the instruments used by the ICFTU to gain control of trade unions was also to force them to unite as for example was tried once in Romania and so also in Indonesia.  

VOST MESSAGE ON INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY AND SUPPORT STATEMENTS

The Kiev Maidan Place these days of the Revolution of Dignity, Eurorevolution or Euromaidan.

VOST “VOLYA” (VOST) receives solidarity messages and support from trade unions from all over the world for the just struggle of the Ukrainian people for decent life and decent work in free, democratic, really independent, prosperous Ukraine

Information message of the All-Ukrainian Union of Workers Solidarity VOST “VOLYA” (VOST) of 03 February 2014

The Revolution of Dignity which is named Eurorevoltion or Euromaidan too, showed aspirations of Ukrainians both from the West and the East to decent life and decent work in their free, democratic, really independent, prosperous Ukraine to the whole world. The longing for freedom is so strong that any sacrifices of patriots, any sadist NKVD repressions, any severe frost can stop it. The occupation illegitimate criminal oligarchic regime of bloody dictator Yanukovych surpassed itself in its crimes against the Ukrainian people and showed that it doesn’t only kill and disable but it also became terroristic because it grabbles innocent people straight at streets and uses them as hostages to intimidate while this regime imitates the so-called negotiations with the opposition.

In this tragic situation democratic trade unions of the world send declarations of solidarity with the Ukrainian people to VOST “VOLYA” and persuade their countries of the necessity of more efficient practical pressure by the world community against the regime.

Olexandre Dzhulyk, President of VOST "VOLYA" (picture taken at the  'European Social Week seminar' held in  Belgium, January 2014) 

NSZZ “Solidarnosc” (Poland) which began the age of renewing democracy not only in Poland but in the whole Eastern Europe expresses the solidarity with Ukrainian workers and emphasizes in the declaration of the National Commission concerning the situation in Ukraine: “The catastrophic economic and social situation in Ukraine is a result of unskillful policy of the government and the president’s administration, an oligarchic economy, corruption and lack of democratic procedures, first of all lack of authentic social dialogue… We call the authority of Ukraine to stop repressions against the society… NSZZ “Solidarnosc” declares the complete support for European aspirations of Ukraine and will cooperate with Ukrainian free trade unions… which want that Ukraine would join the EU”.

ZR of NZSS “Solidarnosc” in Gdansk (Poland) – a city that is a cradle of NSZZ “Solidarnosc” - expresses solidarity with aspirations of the Ukrainian people and remembers in its declaration it addressed to the president of VOST “VOLYA” Oleksandr Dzhulyk: “The history has showed that democracy can’t be prisoned, stopped by police cordons, damped by a police stick…Therefore we remember the authority of Ukraine that a modern state which will have its place in Europe, with its standards and democratic life model, can be built by listening to the voice of society.” There are also important words of Pope John Paul II in the declaration: “People is always right in a controversy between the authority and people”.

In the middle Yuri Kurilo, Vice-President of VOST "VOLYA". (Picture taken at the Seminar "What reasons do have trade unions to exist in a market with a declining support?" held in Denmark, february 2013.)

The Spanish Trade Union Confederation “Union Sindical Obrera” (USO) declares its support of Ukrainian citizens, workers, VOST in their struggle for freedom and free choice of their future. “Freedom doesn’t bring in coincidence with the policy of repressions. We watch the events in Ukraine attentively and are ready to help You in satisfaction of Your just demands” - Spanish trade union tells in its declaration.

The Democratic League of independent trade unions of Hungary (LIGA) “expresses its concern about the escalating situation in Ukraine and sends its solidarity to the workers. We would like to express our worry about the violence the peaceful street actions triggered by the side of the government and hope that the democratic tool of demonstrations and strikes will not lose their force in the future as a consequence.”

The World Organization of Workers (WOW) – with the headquarters in Brussels, Belgium – declares the “full solidarity to the trade union VOST-VOLYA and to the Ukrainian people” in its declaration and underlines that VOST “VOLYA” has always protected rights and interests of Ukrainian workers and now it struggles for political changes for new democratic Ukraine. “The Ukraine is part of Europe and an important partner for Europe. Through the activities of the opposition it has become clear, that the people want to be part of Western Europe and the European Union and are opposed to president Yanukovych and thus against the dictate of Russia”- the WOW declares.

The Austrian National Christian Trade Union FCG/CPA-djp emphasizes that “Christian values connect our two trade unions” and expresses the support for the Ukrainian people and activists VOST “VOLYA”, participants of Eurorevolution. FCG/CPA-djp supports the necessity of democratic changes in Ukraine and declares: “It is time for a change of power in the Ukraine. Democracy and liberty should become lived values. The undermining of human rights must come to an end.”

Reference. VOST “VOLYA” (VOST) is an independent democratic trade union association, whose activity is based on the universal principles of Christian morality. Trade union organizations that formed VOST have operated since 1989, and Trade union “VOLYA” was the first in Ukraine free inter branch union. VOST unites more than 150000 members and is a membership organization of the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC). VOST comes out for the trade union reform in Ukraine and implementation of the motto “The 21st century – new trade unions”. Oleksandr Dzhulyk is the VOST president. The VOST “VOLYA” headquarters are located in Lviv.

Information center of the VOST “VOLYA” (VOST), tel. +380 63 407 72 98

THE DOWNFALL OF THE WCL (PART 23: EUROPEAN MINERS, SOLIDARNOSC AND BELGIUM CAR INDUSTRY)

On arrival at Warschau.In front left Marleen Mens of WCL Staff. At the end 4 EFCM board members from right to left: President Jean Marc Mohr, Antoine Cuijvers, Franz Breuer and Adalbert Ewen.

EUROPEAN MINERS

Since our visit to the Polish trade federations in 1992 (see part 4) we had contact with the miners trade union and the regional organizations of Solidarnosc in Krakow and Katowice . Together with the European Federation of Christian Miners( EFCM) of the WCL, a seminar was organized for miners trade unions in Central and Eastern Europe. Elisabeth Soltysek of Solidarnosc together with Marleen Mens of the WCL office took care of practical matters.The seminar was held in March 1993. First we flew to Warsaw where we had a visitors program with a guide of Solidarnosc. After the visit we went by train to Katowice. From there we drove into the nightfall with 2 cars to the union training center Rudy Raciborski. With snow on the road it was late at night an adventurous journey on dangerous slippery roads.




The seminar was aimed to get to know each other better and to inquire about the impact of mine closures, the remediation of mines, employment programs, the role of government and the trade unions, etc. like had happened and still was going on in Belgium , France and Germany. Speakers were EFCM president Jean Marc Mohr of the CFTC and treasurer Adalbert Euwen of CGM Germany. The miners in Central and Eastern Europe  would certainly have to deal with closures of mines and large reorganizations in the future . Even in Central and Eastern Europe coal mines could not compete anymore with coal mines in the rest of the world such as North America, and Colombia.





Waiting while snow is falling for the bus.On the left two Rumanian miners. Our two assistants Elisabeth Soltysek and Marleen Mens. on the right Jean Marc Mohr.

During the seminar we wanted to consult once again the Solidarnosc miners trade union about their membership of the EFCM . We had doubts whether they were really planning to become a member. We had the feeling that they kept us waiting by delaying any decision. The seminar took place in a good mood with participants from Poland, Russia, Belarus, Albania and Rumania. Once again the miners once again did not decide on their membership of the EFCM.

WCL General secretary Carlos Custer talking with Polish President Lech Walesa.

Within the WCL and especially within the international trade union federations doubts were growing whether the Solidarnosc trade union federations really wanted to become members of the WCL ITF’s. This was one of the reasons for General Secretary Carlos Custer to visit Solidarnosc in September of the same year, a little bit more than a month before the WCL World Congress to be held on the island of Mauritius (see also part 3 ) We spoke with the Solidarnosc board led by President Marian Krzaklewski . We were assured that ties with the WCL were close and strong. We visited Solidarnosc Warsaw and we were received by President Lech Walesa, Then we travelled to Krakow and Katowice. Time and again we were reassured by the regional boards of Solidarity that ties between Solidarnosc and the WCL were good.





To make clear that we were prepared to cooperate on all levels, a year later in October 1994 we organized a seminar in Katowice together with Solidarnosc entitled " Restructuring a threat or a challenge ." The seminar was intended to exchange experiences on the massive closure of mines in the region of Limburg, Belgium. The goal of the seminar was to prepare a draft protocol with the conditions which should be met in case mines in the Katowice region were to be closed. The seminar was sponsored by ACV Limburg. Speakers were President Rick Nouwen of ACV Limburg and Jos Hagendoorn of the Research department of ACV Limburg . Speakers on the part of Solidarnosc Katowice were President  Marek Kemski and Slaslo Dąbrowskie . President Kemski assured us again that Solidarnosc had warm feelings for the WCL . But unfortunately  in practice this was not followed by any change. The miners of Solidarnosc never joined the EFCM and were not even active as observers which was offered to them.



Why the miners and all the other Solidarnosc Trade Federations never joined the International Trade Federations of the WCL? Were the ITF’s of the WCL too small to be effective?  That story was often heard in and outside the WCL for example from some WCL trade unions that meanwhile had  joined the European and International Trade Union Federations belonging to the circles of the ICFTU. However, for the EFCM this was certainly not true. Of course, the EFCM was smaller than the competing ICEM , but it was no less able to provide services to its members in and outside Europe . This was clearly demonstrated by the two seminars we organized in Poland, one for miners coming from different European countries and one especially for the Polish miner’s region Katowice. The EFCM had several financial resources and was recognized by the European Coal and Steel Community and therefore could use the facilities of the ECSC.




Of course there were differences between the WCL International Trade Union Federations but they all had their possibilities at European level. EUROFEDOP (public services sector) was an eloquent proof that it is indeed possible for a European federation belonging to the WCL, to become an official partner in the European Social Dialogue . But of course, this requires a certain level of representativity on European level, to lobby hard at the European Commission and the European Parliament and if so necessary to deal with the competing ICFTU oriented European Trade Union Federations.



But as I have observed before, lobbying at the European Commission and the European Parliament was a taboo within WCL, particularly from the side of the ACV. Of course such lobbying would have provocated some European Trade Federations and ETUC members from ICFTU circles but they also had to recognize that at the end this was the result of their own refusal to cooperate with WCL Trade Federations. Why this fear for confrontation with ICFTU oriented trade union confederations and trade federations? Was it because of certain bureaucratic interests within the ETUC (there where positions on certain level at stake), was it because of a certain kind of inferiority complex, was it fear to get lost in European politics or doubts about its own capacities? I believe it was a little bit of everything , and therefore it was difficult  to develop new initiatives. Fundamental to this all was the attitude of the ACV, the largest trade union confederation in Belgium but also the largest financier of the WCL. But precisely within the ACV there existed Ideological and strategic doubts about  the future of the WCL.

BELGIUM CAR INDUSTRY

Ideologically because of what could be called socialist temptations, especially on international level. But strategic doubts within ACV about which way to go, were more important. The ACV may be the largest trade union confederation in their own country, but if that country is very small, you stay small for the rest of the world. Moreover, Belgium had and still has many international industrial companies, especially the automotive industry, where decision taking takes place outside Belgium, like for example is the case with French Renault, German Volkswagen, American Ford and Opel, Swedish Volvo etc.

Strikers at Volkswagen Vorst in Brussels (2006). In between them the ACV Metal Trade Union flag.

Belgium lost in 10 years time half of its vehicle production. In 2001 rolled 1.2 million cars and trucks of the band, while last year only 525,000 vehicles were assembled. Belgium tumbled from 2001 onwards from the 14th place to 24th. Belgium is now behind Indonesia, Malaysia and Slovakia, and just ahead of South Africa and Romania. A decade ago, there were assembled nowhere as many cars per capita as in Belgium. Belgium now has descended into the lower middle of the ranking of the largest vehicle manufacturers in the world.

The European automotive market is lead by production in Germany, Italy and France. In the EU, the industry employs 2.3 million people directly and almost another 10.5 million indirectly, according to the European Automobile Manufacturers' Association. The region produces more than 17 million vehicles a year, representing a quarter of overall global production. There are just less than 170 facilities in operation across 16 member nations, run by 17 vehicle manufacturers. Leading players include BMW, Fiat, Renault, Volkswagen, Volvo and Peugeot Citroën.

It is therefore no wonder that the ACV Metal trade union joined the European Metal Federation (EMF) and the International Metal Federation (IMF) already in the eighties as a way to counter this industrial decision taking weakness of Belgium as a country. They surely thought that by joining the IMF / EMF a common trade union policy based on European and/or international solidarity could be developed for all workers in the automotive industry regardless in which country they were working.

But unfortunately and despite many fine words about solidarity it did not work. Already in 1997 Renault Vilvoorde was shut down without consulting the trade union and the workers councils. Thousands of workers were dismissed. It was the first Renault production unit outside France (1935). Others followed. Thousands of workers were fired by Volkswagen Vorst (2006), in 2010 Opel (GM) Antwerp is closed with about 2500 workers laid off and in 2012 Ford Genk decided to close its production in Belgium which meant that 4500 workers lost their job. Eventually the Belgian workers were sacrificed for keeping Renault , Volkswagen , Ford , etc. on the road. It is sad to have to conclude that international solidarity apparently has its national limits, even in the European Union. The Belgium workers could only rely on the solidarity of the Belgium Government and ist tax payers for getting a compensation for the loss of their job. What could do the Belgium trade union then to look for solidarity on European level? But it was WCL that had to disappear as a price to be paid for European solidarity that until now does not really exist.

THE DOWNFALL OF THE WCL (PART 15)

Polish Solidarity leader Lech Walesa holds up the George Meany Human Rights Award as AFL-CIO President Lane Kirkland applauds during the AFL-CIO convention in Washington (Nov. 14, 1989). 

J. Scott Applewhite / ASSOCIATED PRESS

I suspect that the outspoken anti-Communist legacy of Munkastanascok, just like that of Solidarnosc, was one of the reasons for the special interest of the North American AFL-CIO. President Imre Palkovic told me once that he personally had been invited by AFL-CIO President Lane Kirkland to visit him in Washington officially but also at home. An unusual state of affairs. That Munkastanascok had a special meaning for the AFL-CIO, was confirmed in april 1994 when I had a lunch with three staff members of the AFL-CIO in Washington about their policy in Central and Eastern Europe. At the beginning of the lunch they congratulated me with the affiliation of Munkastanascok to the WCL as if we had won a kind of super prize.

LANE KIRKLAND

"From 1979 to 1995 Kirkland was president of the American Federation of Labor – Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO). On the international front, Kirkland's support of the Solidarity movement in Poland contributed to the decline of communism. According to Michael Szporer's Solidarity: The Great Workers Strike of 1980,[6] American Unions under the leadership of Lane Kirkland contributed $150,000 shortly after the successful Solidarity Strike, as early as September 1980. At the time, the Carter administration, including its two prominent Polish Americans, Zbigniew Brzezinski and Ed Muskie advised against such aid fearing Soviet reaction. Kirkland boldly took the initiative persuading Zbigniew Brzezinski of the wisdom of supporting the Solidarity movement. In all US union support of Solidarity far exceeded its European counterparts. Solidarity aid was part of Lane Kirkland's internationalist vision for the labor movement and the building of the global consensus on human rights. After the changes in Eastern Europe, Kirkland became a mentor for many prominent labor leaders who saw him as a visionary and visited him in his office at the George Meany Center. He befriended Lech Walesa as well as Marian Krzaklewski who replaced Lech Walesa at the helm of Solidarity. Kirkland was awarded posthumously with the highest Polish award, the Order of the White Eagle."

While the AFL-CIO was a member of the ICFTU, it had its own policy in Central and Eastern Europe. This policy was executed by offices of the AFL-CIO through the Free Trade Union Institute FTUI in various capitals in Central and Eastern Europe and even in Moscow.

“The Free Trade Union Institute (FTUI) was created in 1977 when the AFL-CIO resurrected and renamed the moribund Free Trade Union Committee (FTUC). The purpose was to increase U.S. influence with European trade unions, especially in Spain and Portugal. (16) It was almost defunct in 1983 when Congress began funding the newly-created National Endowment for Democracy (NED), and FTUI has been the largest grantee ever since. (3) NED's purpose is "to encourage the establishment and growth of democratic development in a manner consistent both with the broad concerns of United States national interests and with the specific requirements of the democratic groups in other countries which are aided by the endowment."(14) FTUI is one of four core grantees of NED. The other three are the Center for International Private Enterprise (CIPE), National Republican Institute for International Affairs, and the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs. In 1988 NED received over $20 million from the U.S. taxpayers. (15) Congress authorizes U.S. Information Agency (USIA) funds for NED which in turn gives money to FTUI and other grantees. FTUI then funds overseas projects which are usually managed by AFL-CIO's three regional labor institutes: American Institute for Free Labor Development (AIFLD), Asian-American Free Labor Institute (AAFLI), and the African-American Labor Center (AALC). (2)”

FTUI says it "supports programs that provide assistance for democratic education, training in basic union skills, and organizing assistance... sponsors exchanges between trade unionists... and supports research on labor rights and human rights..." ( see: Right Web of the Institute of Policy Studies) 

The direct involvement of the AFL-CIO in Central and Eastern Europe had been started with Solidarnosc in Poland. On support for Solidarnosc we read the following on the afore mentioned website:“Poland: The largest recipient of FTUI grants from 1985-1989 is the Solidarnosc. (8) With its funding Solidarnosc was to disseminate information, sustain union ativists, maintain its adminstrative infrastructure, and through its Brussels-based office disseminate information to the West on worker rights violations in Poland. (15) Jerry Milewski, director of Solidarnosc's Brussels bureau said the grants were used for a social fund for Solicarnosc members, and for printing and communications equipment. Radical factions within Solicarnosc criticise the tight hold on funds by Lech Walesa and the union leadership. (8)”

On the same webpage we find Portugal, Spain and France. In Portugal, the support went to the social-democratic oriented trade union confederation UGT as a counterweight to the Communist-oriented CGTP. The WCL maintained friendly relations with a group of Christian workers within the CGTP. In Spain, the Basque nationalist trade union confederation ELA-STV  was supported as a counterweight to the radical left terrorist group ETA. ELA-STV was like Solidarnosc member of both ICFTU and the WCL, these two federations were the only ones in the world with a dual membership. In France FTUI / AFL-CIO supported the trade union confederation Force Ouvrière as a counterweight to the then socialist government of President Mitterand, according to the website.

Photo taken during the Cartel Alfa Congress in 1995 in Rumania. On the right Amaia Betel, international relations ELA-STV. in the centre WCL President Willy Peirens. The Spanish Journal El Pais published on the 18th of June 1988 an article on the funds ELA-STV was receiving from the United States.

I assume that European Social Democratic Parties and Trade Unions were at least aware of this AFL-CIO policy in Europe. It can be concluded that the Cold War was waged also in European trade union country by the AFL-CIO. Given the network of AFL-CIO/FTUI offices in Central and Eastern Europe and Russia, the mission of the FTUI / AFL-CIO had apparently not yet completely finished after the fall of the Berlin Wall (1989).

Photograph taken at the meeting of the ITF-WCL mission to Poland (march 1992) with the Presidents of the Solidarnosc National Federations for Chemistry (Christoph Hnatio) and Energy (Ludwik Zagwojski) talking to Leo Dusoleil, President of the World federation of Industrial Workers (WFIW) of WCL on the left).The man on the right is the translator. 
"Then there's a discussion between the two presidents. Zagwojski seems not won for joining ICF (International Chemistry Federation), given the socialists of Western Europe in the past have always adored Communism and now suddenly changed track." (report L. Dusoleil, March 1992. 

During our trip through Poland along the various national sectoral federations affiliated with Solidarnosc at the beginning of this year (1992), regularly we heard about North American trade union assistance. A few times, we met some North American trade unionists, usually with a Polish background. They were involved in some kind of solidarity program of a national federation or regional organization. So Ryszard Dabrowski, President of Solidarnosc Wood and Building Federation, told us that his union gets help from Canada, Italy, Sweden and North America. "The help from North America consists mainly of technical training of steel benders, masons and carpenters. The North American people are giving this technical training. "(Report, L.Soleil, March 1992) Of course, it is not surprising that Polish migrants in the U.S. like to help their former compatriots to rebuild their country and trade union.

Bob Fielding listening to a presentation at the seminar on "World Federation of Labor for New Trade Unionism after Communism", Budapest March 1993. On his left writing Marleen Mens, one of the very capable WCL secretaries.

I was soon introduced to the North American Bob Fielding who worked at the International Department of Solidarnosc. When I asked how he had become involved with Solidarnosc, he told me that while he was studying in Poland during the rise of Solidarnosc, he had become active in the clandestine Solidarnosc. His stay in Poland and his involvement with Solidarnosc pleased him so much that he decided to stay in Poland and help Solidarnosc with its international contacts. A few years later he told me he went to work for the AFL-CIO in one of the Caucasian republics. I believe he mentioned Georgia, but I can be wrong.

To be continued

THE DOWNFALL OF THE WCL (part 4)

Visit to Gdansk during the seminar in Sopot.From right to left: Dan Mogadescu from Cartel alfa, WCL Vice-President Kristoff Dowgiallo, Tadek Oruba from Belgium ACV and Mihael also from Cartel alfa.

During the WCL Congress in Caracas (1989) I heard for the first time I was a candidate to become confederal secretary. The newly elected general secretary Carlos Custer even said he was counting on me. Some time later Jaap Kos, president of the WCL international trade federation WFCW (World Federation of Clerical Workers which is now WOW), invited me for an interview with him and two Austrian boardmembers. The WFCW wanted me to be their executive secretary. To convince the WCL they had decided to pay an additional contribution to the WCL. Some time later CNV chairman Henk Hofstede called me, asking if I wanted to work in Vienna instead of Brussels. There were plans to open a WCL liaison office in Vienna which is near to the former European communist countries and Russia. For me this was okay but finally it became nevertheless Brussels.

Finally in November 1991 in Gdansk, the decision was taken on my appointment as confederal secretary. Starting in Brussels in January 1992, it appeared that I was the successor of Emiel Vervliet, WCL confederal secretary and also executive secretary of the WFCW. An article by him in the Flemish journal 'Maatschappelijke Gids', in which he made ​​a plea for a merger between WCL and ICFTU, went too far for secretary general Carlos Custer. Much later I learned that opinions about my appointment at the WCL were divided. That was of course unfortunate but it did not affect my work.

It became a flying take-off. My first encounter with new union leaders from the former communist European countries and Russia was at a seminar organized by Solidarnosc in Sopot, Gdansk (29 February to 4 March 1992). There I met the Polish WCL Vice-President Kristoff Dowgiałło. I spoke with many new democratic leaders such as a delegation from Lithuania headed by Aldona Balsienne, chairman Olexander Iwanchenko of the UkrainianVOST, the miners' leader Victor Utkin from Russia and a delegation of Cartel alfa. The Romanian federation Cartel alfa had already joined the WCL prior to my arrival to the WCL.

The WCL European Section meeting presided by Vice-President Kristoff Dowgiallo. On the left Secretary General Carlos Custer. On the right Confederal Secretary Roger Denis.

So the WCL had a nice position for take-off. My WCL mission began with the support of two major trade confederations in former communist Europe, both known for their battles for an independent, free and democratic trade union movement. At the seminar in Sopot it became clear that for these new leaders Solidarnosc was an example that deserved to be followed. Therefore probably the WCL also would have a certain appeal to these new leaders. Moreover, I thought, the ideas on man and society of the WCL were in line with those of the new leaders. After the failure of communism they were looking for a renewal of their society and state, based on human and spiritual values others than communism. The WCL could offer these coming from its Christian and humanistic background that it cherishes since its foundation in 1929.

Just a few weeks after the seminar in Sopot I went along on tour in Poland with Leo Dusoleil, President of the World Federation of Industrial Workers Federation WFIW, and Roel Schepen of the CNV Wood and Construction Trade Union, to visit the Solidarnosc unions with the aim to affiliate them to the International Trade Federations (ITF's) of the WCL (14 they - March 21, 1992). Our interpreter was Tadek Oruba a Belgium trade unionist of Polish descent. During our visit to the miners union in Katowice we laid flowers at the monument to fallen miners in the fight against communism. In Krakow we visited the metal union. In Nova Huta we had a conversation with the President of the textile union. In Wroclav we spoke with board members of the energy and chemical union and so on.

Unfortunately, despite our efforts, no Solidarnosc trade union ever joined the WCL International Trade Federations. I know the WCL Textile Federation and the Building and Wood Federation have long taken pains to  the Solidarnosc textile and construction union to make join them but it never happened. It stayed with vague promises and commitments during visits to Ghent and Brussels. Despite the enormous efforts of the European Miners with many seminars and missions organized and financed, also the miners union of Solidarnosc never became a member of the WFIW.

Katowice. WFIW President Leo Dusoleil, surrounded by 4 board members of the Solidarnosc Miners Union and Tadek Oruba, ready to put flowers before the monument commemorating the miners who have fallen during strikes and opposition to the communist dictatorship

I never could figure out why the unions of Solidarnosc did not join the WCL International Trade Federations. It could not be money. The financial contributions were low, like those of Solidarnosc self to the WCL. In addition, there was an agreement to invest the contributions in seminars and other activities in the country itself. May be the ITF's were not so credible anymore because some ACV and CNV unions no longer were a member of an WCL International Trade Federation? They had joined the ICFTU oriented ITF's. Anyway, the many times I've asked, such as Solidarnosc President Krakliewski, Andrej Adamčik from international affairs and some regional presidents of Solidarnosc, I was assured that Solidarnosc was committed to the WCL but otherwise it remained quiet.

On the contrary, the Romanian trade federation Cartel alfa had the policy to their members to join as much as possible the WCL International Trade Federations, in many cases successfully. Therefore the relations between Cartel alfa and WCL became stronger than those between Solidarnosc and the WCL. I felt sorry, not only because the WCL became less stronger internationally than I had hoped but also because personally I felt involved in the fate of Poland and in particular that of Solidanosc.

Between the seminar in Sopot and the Polish tour I took part in a meeting of the European Section of the WCL for the first time on March 7, 1992. The European section meeting was a kind of informal meeting of all Western European trade union confederations of the WCL where European issues were discussed and views exchanged. In fact it was a meeting of the WCL fraction in the ETUC but it could never be named like that. The informal nature of the European Section meeting was strongly emphasized. It gave me the impression that we were doing something, we actually were not allowed to do because of the unity within ETUC (European Trade Union Confederation). Apparently, the international trade union movement became infected with a kind of enlightened Leninism (Lenin is the creator of the ban on factionalism in the Russian Communist Party, that later became known by the name of Democratic Centralism used by all communist parties). WCL members could never present themselves as a a group in the ETUC. The WCL had lost therefore its identity on European level. The question was if it could be maintained on international level. That is what still had to be figured out.

to be continued


The above story is a personal testimony of what happened at the end of the last century and the beginning of the new millennium in the international trade union movement, in particular in CLAT and the WCL.

THE DOWNFALL OF THE WCL (part 3)

The following story is a personal testimony and not a historical record of what happened at the end of the last century and the beginning of the new millennium in the international trade union movement, in particular in CLAT and the WCL.

On the 18th of June 1979 in Hotel Irazu, San José, Costa Rica, the so called Junta de Gobierno de Reconstruccion Nacaional de Nicaragua was presented by the Sandinist priest and poet Ernesto Cardenal. We see from left to right Alfonso Robelo, bussiness man and founder of the Nicaraguan Democratic Movement MDN. Violeta Chamorro wife of Pedro Joaquin Chamorro who was assasinated in 1978. Violeta Chamorro took over his newspaper La Prensa and continued his struggle against the Somoza dictatorship. Sergio Ramirez writer and leader of the so called group of 12, a group of leftist intellectuals that supported the Sandinistas. The other 2 memebers of the Junta, Daniel Ortega and Moises Hassan, both from the Sandinist Guerrilla Forces fighting in Nicaragua, were not present on the press conference. TheJunta took power in the city of Leon, Nicargua on the 18th of July 1979. The Junta was immediately recognized internationally. (photo Petrus Nelissen)

So far we have looked from a Dutch perspective to world history, but what was really going on in the big world? There was a lot of commotion in Latin America, North America and Western Europe and also the Netherlands because of a revolution in a small Central American country. I mean the Sandinista Revolution in Nicaragua (1979) that I witnessed more or less while I was living in Costa Rica, and to some extent even participated in it.

It was a leftist revolution that got broad support against the right-wing dictator Somoza (traditionally supported by the U.S.) after the Sandinistas had succeeded to unite its 3 fractions, there had been held much (international) political deliberations and a lot of international pressure for example of the Organization of American States (OAS) with a major role of US President Carter. After the victory (July 1979) the Sandinistas got most credits for the revolution and they considered themselves as the real owners of the revolution. Instead the Sandinistas established a democratic regime like for example in their neighbouring country Costa Rica, they started copying the Cuban model with the traditional support of Russia and Communist Europe. The recent elected, traditional anti-Communist U.S. President Reagan (1981) was firmly against it. The result was a civil war with the help of the U.S. between the Sandinista leaders and Contra's (including disappointed Sandinistas) with a high price paid by the population: new deaths and injuries, no peace and especially no economic recovery.

What astonished me was the ease with which European leftist intellectuals left their critical attitude towards the Sandinista leaders. Renowned journalists from leading newspapers and TV defended for example censureship of the Sandinistas against the newspaper La Prensa. The key issue for them was to be anti-North American and especially anti-Reagan, who was always called scornfully a former Hollywood B- actor. At that time communism was rather commonplace in circles of the European democratic left, to a certain extent tolerated by the Socialist International.

More surprising was what happened in almost the same period in Communist Europe. A trade union called Solidarnosc, supported by the Catholic Church and its Polish Pope Paul II challenged the supremacy of the Polish Communist party. No one ever could imagine that something like this would ever be possible. The world held its breath. Would the Soviet Union not retaliate?

Not so initially. The Polish Jaruzelski government (Jaruzelski was considered to be a moderate nationalist) signed an agreement with Solidarnosc that was led by the brilliant former electrician Lech Walesa surrounded by keen advisers. But the recognition of Solidarnosc did only last until december 1981. Moscow forced the government to announce martial law. Solidarity was banned to become illegal. Many members were arrested or went underground. The underground struggle was supported by US President Reagan, the North American union AFL-CIO (member of the world trade union ICFTU) and the WCL, that thanks to its general secretary Jan Kulakowski of Polish descent, had special relations with Solidarnosc.

European political leaders on the other hand did not know what to do. Of course, there was much sympathy for Solidarnosc but it was feared that it would end as did the Hungarian uprising (1956) and the Prague Spring (1968), that is to say beaten down by Russian tanks. In 1988 the Polish government was forced by strikes to start again negotiations with Solidarnosc. In 1989 Solidarnosc was legalized and participated in the first free elections held under a Communist regime in Europe. It was the beginning of the end of Communism in Europe and the Soviet Union.

The Latin American CLAT was downright enthusiastic about Solidarnosc. A union that was able to achieve a political revolution was for decades the dream of CLAT. CLAT also recognized in the anti-communist struggle of Solidarnosc its own anti-communism . This anti-Communism made that CLAT had a very critical attitude towards the Nicaraguan Sandinistas, the Marxist guerrilla groups in El Salvador and Guatemala and all other groups that used Marxist oriented violence as an instrument for change. For this reason in the Netherlands leftist progressive circles turned away from CLAT and the Dutch association CLAT Netherlands that supported CLAT in Latin America since 1969.

In September 1993 a delegation of the WCL led by General Secretary Carlos Custer visited the Polish President Lech Walesa, former leader of Solidarnosc. At the head of the table you see President Lech Walesa. Beside him a government interpreter. On her left WCL secretary general Carlos Custer. Next to him an interpreter of Solidarnosc and myself. On the back you see Kristoff Dowgiałło. At his left Teresa Szabza from the International Department of Solidarnosc.

CLAT sent in 1981 a message to the first legal Congress of Solidarnosc: "The Latin American Workers Central CLAT, together with all its member organizations, feels related from the outset with the values​​, interests and aspirations of the independent trade union movement Solidarnosc. Despite the different political circumstances in which both organizations find themselves, CLAT and Solidarnosc are inspired by the same ideas about man and society, labor and worker, dignity and freedom, justice and solidarity." In 1982 CLAT invited six leaders of Solidarnosc to a meeting on its training institute UTAL in Venezuela.

On the occasion of that meeting CLAT General Secretary Emilio Maspero wrote an introduction titled "The struggle of the free trade union movement in Poland and Latin America." Maspero signals that two irreconcilable models opposed. On the one hand, the totalitarian models advocated by fascist right (eg the Pinochet regime in Chile) and Marxist-Leninist left (eg the Cuban regime of Fidel Castro) and on the other hand, the democratic-humanistic model itself stands for. Maspero defined the relationship between CLAT and Solidarnosc as the common struggle for democratization: in Poland against communism in Latin America against capitalism.

How great the enthusiasm was for Solidarnosc could one see during the visit of Solidarnosc leader Lech Walesa to the 22th WCL Congress, held in Caracas, Venezuela (november 1989). To confirm friendship between WCL and Solidarnosc, Kristoff Dowgiałło from Solidarnosc was elected vice-president of the WVA. Also for the first time in the history of the WCL a general secretary from Latin America was elected,  Carlos Custer from Argentine and a member of the CLAT board who previously had been already confederal secretary of the WCL. CLAT was now more than ever committed to the WCL. ACV President Willy Peirens was elected President of WCL. The future looked bright for the WCL.

To be continued...

SOLIDARNOSC AND THE STRUGGLE FOR THE TRADE UNION MOVEMENT AFTER COMMUNISM

Writing on the death of former WCL secretary general Jan Kulakowski it came up to me to write this blog on the role Solidarnosc played in Central and Eastern European regarding trade union policy of the WCL and the ICFTU in the nineties of the last century until the merger of the WCL and the ICFTU in 2006.
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 In May 1992 a WCL mission visited Moscow, where it had a meeting with dissidents and intellectuals who under the name of CMOT had struggled for trade union freedom, for the first time. The conversation took place in an apartment of one of the members of CMOT. On the right-hand-side of the photo sits WCL Vice President Kristoff Dowgiallo.

Thanks to its Polish Belgian general secretary Jan Kulakowski, the World Confederation of Labour – WCL, developed excellent relations with the Polish trade union Solidarnosc and its famous president Lech Walesa. Because of these good relations it was believed that the WCL, as a social Christian oriented World Confederation, would have a future in Central and Eastern Europe, and therefore perhaps in all of Europe. Solidarnosc had, however, not only become an affiliate of the WCL, but also of the competing International Confederation of Free Trade Unions – ICFTU. Within the ICFTU, Solidarnosc had special relations with and support of the North American trade union federation AFL-CIO, which together with the US Government had supported it from the start of its rebellion against the Communist dictatorship

The highlight of this friendship between Solidarnosc and the WCL was the visit of Solidarnosc President Lech Walesa to the World Congress in Caracas, Venezuela in 1989. As to confirm the good relations Kristoff Dowgiallo of Solidarnosc was elected vice-president of the WCL. As vice-president he led several missions to Central and Eastern European countries as well as Russia. I was one of the delegates joining him on these missions. During these mission we met a lot of leaders of newly-established democratic and independent unions. The result was that after a while a number of unions in countries such as Lithuania, the Ukraine, Bulgaria, Hungary, the Czech Republic and Slovakia joined the WCL.

In September 1993 a delegation, led by WCL Secretary General Carlos Custer, visited Polish President Lech Walesa, former President of Solidarnosc. (At the head of the table President Lech Walesa. Beside him an official translator. At her left WCL Secretary General Carlos Custer. Next to him an interpreter of Solidarnosc and myself. On its back Kristoff Dowgiallo and to his left Teresa Szabza of Solidarnosc).

Despite these good relations slowly but surely tensions emerged on the WCL policy in Central and Eastern Europe. Those were caused by the fact that the WCL succeeded in affiliating some new democratic and independent unions which were courted also by the AFL-CIO. One example is the affiliation to the WCL of the Hungarian trade union confederation Munkastanascok. This union was highly sought after for by the AFL-CIO as I later learned from the leadership of Munkastanascok as well as from some AFL-CIO officials who told me this during a lunch in Washington. Another example was the affiliation to the WCL of the Ukrainian confederation VOST.

 In March 1993 the WCL organized a seminar in Budapest for some new democratic, independent unions in Central and Eastern Europe and Russia. (Second from left Bogdan Hossu, president of the Romanian trade union confederation Cartel Alfa. Next to him on the right Imre Palkovics, president of the Hungarian Trade Union Confederation Munkastanascok. Second next to him on the right Bob Fielding, North American and Polish from the AFL-CIO and working at the International Department of Solidarnosc).

Another example were the confrontations with regards to the Baltic States. The Scandinavian unions affiliated to the ICFTU, considered the WCL activities in the Baltic countries, where the WCL developed friendly relations with different new democratic and independent unions, as inappropriate. A high ranked official of the Swedish LO told me that the Baltic countries belong to the Scandinavian trade unions and not to the WCL. At the same time an AFL-CIO official regularly visited the Lithuanian trade unions.

The struggle for the international affiliation of Central and Eastern European trade unions, as well as Russian unions, became more severe and foul with the years. During a joint WCL/ICFTU mission to Belarus in order to support democratic independent unions in their struggle for trade union freedom and the right to strike against the authoritarian President Lukashenko, ICFTU delegates gave much more money than was agreed upon.

At the end of nineties, and more and more openly, Solidarnosc started to support the idea of a merger between the WCL en the ICFTU. During a WCL Confederal Board Meeting in Paraguay, Solidarnosc openly advocated a merger while many WCL unions were against this. It became also clear that the Belgian Christian Trade Union ACV supported the idea of a merger between the WCL and the ICFTU into a new international confederation. In 2006 (Vienna) the WCL as well as the ICFTU decided with vast majorities to disband themselves and to found the new international confederation ITUC.