HAPPY NEW YEAR

THE AFRICAN EURO CRISIS

 

It will be no coincidence that IMF Managing Director Ms Lagarde visited Africa where she warned that the euro crisis could have severe consequences for the world economy and therfore also for Africa. In recent months West African ministers met in emergency meetings. They wondered what measures they should take in response to the euro crisis.

Their common currency is the CFA Franc which indeed is connected closely to the Euro. This connection started at the end of the Second World War when the French Franc was plagued by constant inflation. To protect its colonies that used  the French Franc as their currency, the Central African currency was created while its value was guaranteed by France.

Eight West African countries - Benin, Burkina Faso, Ivory Coast, Guinea-Bissau, Mali, Niger, Senegal and Togo – share the so called West African CFA. They together form the African Finance Community. In addition, six Central African countries - Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad, Congo-Brazzaville, Equatorial Guinea and Gabon –together make up the Central African Economic and Monetary Community. Their common currency is also CFA which can not be used in the West African countries. Both currencies are guaranteed by France and since the French Franc has merged into the euro, they are guaranteed by the European Central Bank.

When in 1948 France devalued the franc, the value of the CFA became two French Francs. In 1960, 100 Old French Francs were replaced by one New French Franc. Therefore the value of the CFA franc became 0.02 New French Franc. In 1994, the CFA was devalued to 0.01 New French Franc. With the arrival of the Euro, the value of one CFA Franc was set at 0.00152449 Euros or 655.957 CFA to one Euro.

Because of the  linking of the CFA Franc to the Euro it is increasingly difficult for those African countries to compete with their export products on the worldmarket. In fact they suffer the same problems as Greece, Portugal and other European countries in the Eurozone that can not devaluate anymore their currency with the aim to make cheaper their export products on the worldmarket.

Moreover, the value of many export products from those countries, such as oil, cotton, coffee and cacoa are valued in American dollars on the worldmarket. This makes the export products even more expensive on the worldmarket.

A devaluation of the CFA Franc would therefore be obvious. Rumors say that the CFA Franc will be devaluated until 1000 for a Euro. The result of this will be that the imports will become more expensive for the local population that undoubtly will affect their standard of living.

OLD LABOUR TRIES TO OUST CLAC FROM ITUC

 

Below you find a press release in English, German, Spanish and French of the Christian Labour Association of Canada – CLAC which speaks for itself. You can find more information on the website of CLAC.

A continuación encontrará un comunicado de prensa en Inglés, alemán, español y francés de la Asociación Cristiana de Trabajo de Canadá - CLAC, que habla por sí mismo. Usted puede encontrar más información en la página web de la CLAC.

Ci-dessous vous trouverez un communiqué de presse en anglais, allemand, espagnol et français de la Christian Labour Association of Canada - CLAC qui parle pour lui-même. Vous pouvez trouver plus d'informations sur le site Internet de la CLAC.

Nachfolgend finden Sie eine Pressemitteilung in Englisch, Deutsch, Spanisch und Französisch der Christian Association of Labour Kanada - CLAC die für sich spricht. Sie finden weitere Informationen auf der Website der CLAC.

25-11-2011 

  ***

Mississauga, ON—CLAC is outraged at the decision of the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) to suspend CLAC’s membership for presenting itself as an alternative trade union in Canada.

ITUC has caved in to demands by the Canadian Labour Congress (CLC) to attack CLAC because it is afraid of the competition of a modern, progressive union that focuses on its members. ITUC’s decision and its kangaroo court process are a clear indication that it is unable to escape the stranglehold of old time unionism.

Despite appearing before an ITUC delegation to answer questions and presenting voluminous evidence in its defense, CLAC was denied an opportunity to challenge the accuracy of the delegation’s report to ITUC’s General Council on which it based its decision. CLAC’s suspension will be reviewed at ITUC’s next Congress in May 2014. Membership in ITUC can only be decided by the Congress.

CLAC is appalled at the lack of ethics of some ITUC members who leaked news of the General Council’s decision before it was communicated to CLAC. Further, Ken Georgetti, president of the CLC, sits as vice-president on ITUC’s executive board—a clear conflict of interest.

There was hope in 2006 that the merger of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions with the World Confederation of Labour to form the new, more broadly based ITUC would breathe new life into an archaic and ineffective approach for workers’ rights. Today, we know that ITUC’s leaders are made up of the same old, irrelevant ideologues who cling to an out-dated model of labour relations whose days are numbered. How can ITUC maintain any sense of credibility or relevance when it seeks to oust CLAC—a union recognized by government labour boards across Canada—but believes the state-controlled unions in labour unfriendly countries such as Russia, Venezuela, Zimbabwe, and Eritrea are just fine?

CLAC refuses to succumb to these Old Labour style tactics. CLAC put the ITUC’s platitude of “union pluralism” to the test and it failed miserably. CLAC continues to believe firmly in the rights of workers to make informed choices regarding which union they want to join and what working agreements they want to work under.

We believe that healthy competition between unions for the loyalty of workers is a good thing that will make unions better and more responsive to their needs. It is not a race to the bottom but a race to be the best. CLAC will continue to work hard for the betterment of unions, members, and the working conditions of all Canadians—with or without ITUC.

 ***

Mississauga, Ontario – La CLAC expresa su indignación por la decisión de la Confederación Sindical Internacional (CSI) de suspender la afiliación de la CLAC por presentarse como un sindicato alternativo en Canadá.

La CSI cedió ante las reivindicaciones del Canadian Labour Congress (CLC) de atacar a la CLAC por miedo a la competencia de un sindicato moderno y progresista que se centra en los intereses de sus miembros. La decisión de la CSI y su proceso judicial montado de toda pieza indican claramente que no está en condiciones para evitar quedar maniatada por el antiguo sindicalismo.

A pesar de que compareciera ante una delegación de la CSI para responder a las preguntas y de que presentara numerosas pruebas en su defensa, a la CLAC se le negó la oportunidad de impugnar la exactitud del informe de la delegación sometido al Consejo General de la CSI en el que basó su decisión. La suspensión de la CSI será objeto de una revisión durante el próximo Congreso de la CSI en mayo de 2014. La afiliación a la CSI sólo puede ser decidida por el Congreso.

La CLAC expresa su consternación por la falta de ética por parte de algunos miembros de la CSI que divulgaron la decisión del Consejo General antes de ser comunicada a la CLAC. Además, Ken Georgetti, Presidente del CLC, es miembro del Buró Ejecutivo de la CSI como Vicepresidente – un conflicto de intereses evidente.

En 2006, había esperanzas de que la fusión entre la Confederación Internacional de Organizaciones Sindicales Libres y la Confederación Mundial del Trabajo, que desembocó en la formación de la nueva CSI más amplia, insuflara nueva vida a un enfoque arcaico e ineficaz de los derechos de los/las trabajadores/as. Hoy en día, sabemos que los dirigentes de la CSI cuentan con los mismos antiguos ideólogos irrelevantes que se aferran a un modelo anticuado de relaciones laborales cuyos días están contados. ¿Cómo puede la CSI mantener la credibilidad o relevancia al pretender expulsar a la CLAC – un sindicato reconocido por los consejos de trabajo del Gobierno en todo Canadá – y considerar que todo va bien en los sindicatos controlados por el Estado en varios países antisindicales, como Rusia, Venezuela, Zimbabwe y Eritrea?

La CLAC se niega a sucumbir a esta antigua táctica sindical. La CLAC ha sometido a prueba la perogrullada del “pluralismo sindical” de la CSI, y fracasó de manera lamentable. Sigue creyendo firmemente en los derechos de los/las trabajadores/as de poder elegir con conocimiento de causa al sindicato al que deseen afiliarse y los acuerdos laborales con los que quieran trabajar.

Consideramos que una competencia sana entre sindicatos por la lealtad de los/las trabajadores/as contribuye a mejorar los sindicatos y a que respondan mejor a sus necesidades. No se trata de una carrera descendente sino de una carrera para ser el mejor. La CLAC seguirá trabajando duro para mejorar los sindicatos, los miembros y las condiciones laborales de todos los canadienses – con o sin la CSI.

 ***

 

Mississauga, Ontario – La CLAC est indignée par la décision de la Confédération syndicale internationale (CSI) de suspendre l’affiliation de la CLAC pour s’être présentée en tant que syndicat alternatif au Canada.

La CSI a cédé aux demandes du Congrès du travail du Canada (CTC) d’attaquer la CLAC dans la mesure où il craint la concurrence d’un syndicat moderne et progressiste axé sur les intérêts de ses membres. La décision de la CSI et sa parodie de processus judiciaire indiquent clairement qu’elle n’est pas en mesure de sortir du carcan du syndicalisme d’autrefois.

Bien qu’elle ait comparu devant une délégation de la CSI pour répondre aux questions et qu’elle ait fourni de nombreuses preuves de défense, la CLAC a été privée de l’occasion de contester l’exactitude du rapport de la délégation soumis au Conseil général de la CSI, sur lequel la CSI a basé sa décision. La suspension de la CLAC fera l’objet d’une révision lors du prochain Congrès de la CSI en mai 2014. L’affiliation à la CSI relève de la seule décision du Congrès.

La CLAC est consternée par le manque d’éthique de certains membres de la CSI qui ont divulgué la décision du Conseil général avant d’être communiquée à la CLAC. En outre, Ken Georgetti, président du CTC, siège au Bureau exécutif de la CSI en qualité de vice-président – un conflit d’intérêts évident.

On pouvait espérer, en 2006, que la fusion entre la Confédération internationale des syndicats libres et la Confédération mondiale du travail menant à la fondation de la nouvelle CSI, plus large, insuffle un nouvel élan à une approche archaïque et inefficace des droits des travailleurs/euses. Aujourd’hui, nous savons que les dirigeants de la CSI regroupent les mêmes anciens idéologues inappropriés s’accrochant à un modèle dépassé de relations de travail dont les jours sont comptés. Comment la CSI peut-elle conserver sa crédibilité ou pertinence en cherchant à expulser la CLAC – un syndicat reconnu par les conseils du travail du gouvernement dans tout le Canada – et en considérant que tout va bien au sein des syndicats contrôlés par l’État dans plusieurs pays antisyndicaux, notamment la Russie, le Venezuela, le Zimbabwe et l’Érythrée?

La CLAC refuse de succomber à cette vieille tactique syndicale. La CLAC a mis à l’épreuve la platitude du « pluralisme syndical » de la CSI, qui a échoué lamentablement. La CLAC continue de croire fermement dans le droit des travailleurs/euses d’effectuer des choix éclairés quant au syndicat auquel ils souhaitent s’affilier et aux contrats de travail sous lesquels ils veulent travailler.

Nous considérons qu’une saine concurrence entre les syndicats par esprit de loyauté envers les travailleurs/euses contribue à rendre les syndicats meilleurs et plus réceptifs à leurs besoins. Il ne s’agit pas d’un nivellement par le bas mais d’une compétition pour être le meilleur. La CLAC poursuivra ses efforts pour améliorer les syndicats, les membres et les conditions de travail de tous les Canadiens – avec ou sans la CSI.

*** 

 

Mississauga, ON—CLAC ist empört über die Entscheidung des Internationalen Gewerkschaftsbunds (IGB), die Mitgliedschaft von CLAC zu suspendieren, weil CLAC sich in Kanada als alternative Gewerkschaft aufgestellt hat.

Der IGB hat den Anforderungen des Canadian Labour Congress (CLC) nachgegeben, CLAC aus Angst vor dem Wettbewerb einer modernen, progressiven Gewerkschaft anzugreifen, die sich auf ihre Mitglieder konzentriert. Die Entscheidung des IGBs und der Femegerichtsprozess sind ein klares Indiz dafür, dass der IGB sich dem Würgegriff eines Gewerkschaftswesens alter Zeiten nicht entziehen kann.

Trotz dem Vorsprechen vor einer IGB Delegation zur Beantwortung von Fragen und trotz dem Vorlegen voluminöser Beweise zur Verteidigung wurde CLAC die Gelegenheit verweigert, die Genauigkeit des Berichtes der IGB Delegation an den Generalrat des IGB anzufechten, auf den die Suspendierungsentscheidung gründet. Die Suspendierung der CLAC Mitgliedschaft wird zum kommenden IGB Kongress im Mai 2014 überprüft werden. Mitgliedschaft beim IGB kann alleine durch den Kongress beschlossen werden.

CLAC ist entsetzt über den Mangel an Ethik gewisser IGB Mitglieder, die Neuigkeiten zur Entscheidung des Generalrates durchsickern ließen, noch bevor sie CLAC mitgeteilt wurden. Darüber hinaus sitzt Ken Georgetti – Präsident des CLC – als Vizepräsident im IGB Vorstand – ein eindeutiger Interessenkonflikt.

2006 kam die Hoffnung auf, dass die Fusion des Internationalen Bundes Freier Gewerkschaften mit dem Weltverband der Arbeitnehmer zu einem neuen, breiter ausgerichteten IGB einer archaischen und ineffizienten Auffassung der Arbeitnehmerrechte neues Leben einflössen würde. Heute wissen wir, dass die Leiter des IGBs den gleichen alten, irrelevanten Ideologien nachstreben, die sich an ein ausrangiertes Modell von Arbeitsverhältnissen klammern, dessen Tage gezählt sind. Wie kann der IGB Glaubwürdigkeit oder Relevanz wahren, wenn er einerseits versucht, CLAC zu verdrängen – eine Gewerkschaft, die durch Regierungsarbeitsbehörden in ganz Kanada anerkannt ist – und anderseits der Überzeugung ist, dass staatlich kontrollierte Gewerkschaften in Arbeitnehmer unfreundlich gesinnten Ländern wie Russland, Venezuela, Simbabwe und Eritrea ganz gut sind?

CLAC weigert sich, diesen ‘Old Labour’ Taktiken zu erliegen. CLAC legte den Gemeinplatz der IGB Platitude von ‚gewerkschaftlichem Pluralismus’ auf den Prüfstand und der IGB scheiterte kläglich. CLAC glaubt weiterhin fest an die Rechte der Arbeitnehmer/innen, fundierte Entscheidungen darüber treffen zu können, welcher Gewerkschaft sie beitreten und unter welchen Vereinbarungen sie arbeiten wollen.

Wir sind davon überzeugt, dass ein gesunder Wettbewerb zwischen Gewerkschaften sich im Sinne der Loyalität der Arbeitnehmer/innen auswirkt und die Gewerkschaften verbessern und ihre Verantwortung gegenüber den Bedürfnissen verstärken wird.

Es geht sich nicht darum, den Gegner niederzumachen, sondern um den Wettlauf für das Beste. CLAC wird weiterhin hart an der Verbesserung der Gewerkschaften, der Mitglieder und der Arbeitsbedingungen aller Kanadier/innen arbeiten – mit oder ohne IGB.

TO BE OR NOT TO BE, THAT IS THE QUESTION FOR EUROPE

 

As a result of the euro-crisis the Euro is more debated than ever before. This goes hand in hand with the debate of the limits of solidarity between the European countries and whether Europe should continue to develop itself from an economic union into a more political union, inevitably resulting in a transfer, to a certain extent, of national sovereignty to Brussels. As a result Euro-skepticism, already present since the beginning of the 21^st century as a consequence of the growing uncertainty in the world (the fundamentalist attack on New York, the never ending wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, the economic rise of superpower China followed by Brazil and India), is also rising . Since its foundation the European Union has never been under such severe financial and political stress.

People in the richer northern European countries are increasingly irritated by what is called ‘the economic laziness’ of people in the southern European countries such as Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain. Ireland, being a northern European countries, is wisely not mentioned. Populist political leaders are therefore against more guarantees for the debts in these southern European countries. Solidarity has become a dirty word, not only regarding Europe but the whole world. Call it what you may: national selfishness, short-sighted nationalism or protectionism, it is clearly an instinctive return to the national tribe that has been one of the pivotal causes for so many European wars.

Europe is like the rest of the world, a continent of national tribes or even regional ones such as the Basques and the Catalans in Spain, the Corsicans in France, the North Italians, the Balkan minorities such as the Serbs, Croatians, Macedonians, Slovenians, Albanians and Bosnian Muslims in former Yugoslavia (who have all claimed their own states), the Flemish and the Walloons in Belgium and so many others.  

We believed that with the foundation of the European Union these national instincts would come to an end. Democracy and enlightened self-interest would slowly turn Europe in some sort of Super State, a kind of United States of Europe. By lack of a blueprint nobody knew how and when, but the believe was that European powers such as France, Germany and England would finally bury their hatchets. Europe would never again be the cradle of a world war like it had been twice in the past century.

This political dream now runs the risk to collapse under the weight of the euro-crisis. In The Netherlands, a government-party engaged itself to investigate whether a return to the Guilder would be an option. In Great Britain conservatives argue for a new referendum on Europe in the hope that a massive part of the population will vote against more Europe. In Finland a populist Euro-skeptic party gained the most votes in the last elections. In Germany there is a growing resistance against Europe calling for the return of the Deutsche Mark.

Under this growing pressure from populist political adventurists, Merkel and Sarkozy so far keep steadfastly seeking for a solution for the euro-crisis. Such a European solution should of course be democratic to prevent Europe losing its credibility. European countries will not escape from the need to transfer more sovereignty to Brussels. But this takes time. New institutions should be invented. The democratic legitimacy of the EU must be strengthened by giving more power to the European Parliament, economic and financial ties should be strengthened and more coordinated and perhaps European presidential elections should be held. And lastly but most importantly, a clear and consistent story should be told to all 500 million Europeans to take away all hesitations and doubts about the ‘European Project’. Trust and tranquility are the key-words.

For financial markets, however, this is all not going fast enough. They want and are in need of quick results in the form of cash and guarantees, if necessary without democracy, without solidarity and trust. Investors are very reluctant to give more time to Europe to strengthen the foundations of their European house.

PORTUGAL: THE RIGHT TO INDIGNATION

"The Right to Indignation" stands above the declaration of the independent trade union SINERGIA that I visited together with the members of the Worldboard of WOW one day before the general strike of November 24. SINERGIA is the trade union of Portuguese workers in the oil, gas and electricity sector and an affiliate of WOW.

The trade union says in its statement that it wants to support the general strike even though it has as an independent union no place in the socio-economic dialogue with government and employers and therefore does not have influence on any national decision whatsoever. This is a deplorable situation taking into consideration that the majority of unions in Portugal is independent.

SINERGIA also emphasizes in its statement that as a humanist-oriented trade union it considers a strike as the last resort while emphasising on social dialogue as an instrument for the solution of social conflicts.

The Right to Indignation

 

The current state of national finances, the result of governments of the last decade combined with a difficult global and international financial situation, has caused chaos in the social and economic life of the country.

Although the independent trade unions, the majority of trade unions in the country, are still not represented in the social dialogue and therefore not involved in the development of policies which have led to the declaration of a general strike on 24 November, SINERGIA considers that there are sufficient reasons to show indignation about the direction the national economy is going and is undermining seriously social and economic life of most Portuguese families.

Therefore SINERGIA announces the general strike, taking into account the real concerns of all workers:

- For investment and more dynamics in the productive sector.

- To combat fraud, tax evasion and undeclared work.

- Against the impoverishment of the workers and the people in general.

- For the defense of the basic social functions of the state.

- For the defense and improvement of public services.

- Against the arbitrary elimination of social services.

- Against unemployment and job insecurity.

- Against lowering wages and pensions.

Sinergia is based on the values of humanism with an emphasis on social dialogue and consultation to which the strike is considered as a last resort for the solution of social conflicts. The choice is (always) yours!

NEW EZA PRESIDENT BARTHO PRONK STRESSES IMPORTANCE OF SOCIAL DIALOGUE IN TIMES OF CRISIS

The new elected EZA President Bartho Pronk

Last year at a meeting in Königswinter (Germany) the members of the European Centre for Workers’ Questions (EZA) elected Bartho Pronk as their new president. As a former member of the European Parliament and, before that, as an employee of the CNV International department, he is well acquainted with European social and workers’ affairs. This is of importance for EZA as a network consisting of 67 workers’ organisations from 24 different European Union countries that are committed to Christian social values.

Bartho Pronk holds office since the first of September of this year. For this reason EZA has published an interview with Bartho Pronk in its latest bulletin which can be found on the EZA website. In the interview he mentions two key-challenges for EZA. The first and most important challenge will be to find solutions for the impact of the actual crisis in Europe, particularly with regards to employment. Average unemployment in Europe is about 10% but in some countries, as for example Spain, unemployment reaches around 25% (whereas youth unemployment is currently approximately 40%). The second key challenge for EZA is “to involve its members in a process which shows that more can be achieved when we work together than when we don’t work together.”

With the financial support of the European Commission a lot of European training courses and meetings are organized by EZA for trade unions and related workers’ organizations annually. In spite of the different cultural backgrounds and different stages of development of  the European countries Bartho Pronk believes that these European courses and meetings help to develop common points of view and to look for new solutions for social problems on national and European level.

In the interview Bartho Pronk makes clear that he considers the Christian social doctrine as a source of inspiration that helps to develop new answers to the social and economic problems of today. “Of course, not everything that was done in the last 30 years is invalid, but some things have to be re-assessed. The situation has changed in such a way that we have to take a good look at it again.”

“The social dialogue is hugely important for European integration. Why? Economic integration is still a major part of European integration, and that requires employers and workers. Although there were very many cultural differences in the past, ways were found to negotiate. And in times of crisis it is absolutely vital that on the one hand economic solutions are found to overcome the crisis but on the other hand social needs are also met. It happens to be the case, and we have seen this before, that every time one country is in crisis, the countries that seek a solution through social dialogue are more successful. It is always easy to say that the welfare state has to be abolished because it costs too much, but that's not the case. It ends up costing a great deal more than seeking a solution through social dialogue. After all, in the final reckoning what matters are people, not the economy. The economy must not be allowed to harm people.”

Regarding the Eurocrisis he believes that it is important for EZA to make studies because there is a lot of talking about this crisis, the biggest since the crisis of the 30’s in the past century, but some points are not discussed at all as for example the role and responsibility of the USA in causing great part of the problems.

Other points that are mentioned in the interview are the aims of the Europe 2020 Strategy, the role of EZA and the enlargement of the EU and what possibilities he sees for the future of EZA.

 Bartho Pronk together with EZA vice-president Piergiorgio Sciacqua

·      You can read the whole interview in different languages (German, Spanish, English and French) in the latest EZA bulletin which you can find on the EZA website. There you will also find an interview with the newly elected EZA Vice-President  Piergiorgio Sciacqua, President of the General Council of the Movimiento Cristiano Lavoratori (MCL)

BLOODY ATTACKS AGAINST LATIN AMERICAN JOURNALISTS

 

Journalists in the provinces of Puno  arrive to Juliaca to express their condemnation of the attack against Feliciano Gutierrez Cruz.( La Republica, Peru)

The Latin American Federation of Social and Cultural Communication Workers (FELATRACCS) has been informed about the criminal attack against journalist Feliciano Gutierrez Suca, correspondent of the newspaper "La República" in the city of Juliaca, Peru. FELATRACCS condemned the act and at the same time called on governments in the region to do everything possible to stop this new wave of blood that has been unleashed in this part of the American continent to the detriment of the freedom of press.
 
Recently on the 5^th of November, Gutierrez was attacked  by four men with fire arms wearing hoods, taking advantage of the night to shoot him at close range while grabbing his camera and mobile phone on which he kept actual information material.
 
All this is part of a sequel of attacks against journalists in Peru. The journalists Julio Castillo, Pedro Flores Silva and Jose Oquendo Reyes have been killed this year by unknown persons. In this way Peru joins Mexico and Colombia, where drugs trafficking and organized crime perpetrate these crimes until now without being captured by governments.
 
Because of this spiral of violence the situation has become uncertain. On November 1, in Chile, an explosive device was placed against the premises of the newspaper "La Tercera"  of the Copesa Group, whose unions are members of FELATRACCS. The incident occurred in the early morning hours. The police has a video that gives hope that the criminals can be captured.
 
Another incident occurred on October 28 in San Pedro de Sula, Honduras, where the journalist Eddie Andino from TV Channel 6 was attacked by four thugs, who shot him with firearms from a moving car. He has injuries to his legs and back. This year alone in Honduras died 5 journalists in full exercise of their profession.
 
In Cordoba, Argentine, journalist Maria Gracia and cameraman Raúl Martín Vicessi from Channel 12, were shot dead while filming outside a house in the outskirts of the city and interviewing a female victim of harassment, aggression and assault.
 
It should be stressed that so far in Latin America a total of 21 journalists have been murdered.

 

CHRONOLOGY OF THE EURO CRISIS

 The New Europe

1. In December 2009 the Eurozone countries discovered that the Greek government debt amounts 300 billion Euros, ie almost 113% of the total government budget.

2. In January 2010 it is determined that the Greek deficit is not 3.7% but 12,7%. In the Eurozone, Greece is invited to reduce the deficit. Corrective measures are announced. In February, an IMF/EU mission goes to Greece: it predicts more economic and financial misery, a higher deficit and a recession of the Greek economy.

3. In March 2010 the Greek government announced an austerity package: VAT goes up 2%, the bonus in the public sector goes 30% down, taxes on fuel, tobacco and alcohol go up and pensions are frozen. At the European summit, without going into details, one talks about a possible aid package to Greece.

4. In April 2010 the Eurozone presents a support package: a 30 billion loan facility from the EU and a 15 billion loan facility from the IMF. It is based on a 3-year financing with an interest charge of 5%. The same month, Greece asks for the promised loans.

5. In April 2010 the rating institute Standard & Poor's lowers again the creditworthiness of Greece, and then also of Portugal. One begins to worry about infecting other countries like Spain and Italy.

6. In May the Eurozone, the IMF and the Greek Government create an emergency plan for Greece of 110 billion euros. Greece promises to reduce its expenses by 30 billion.

The EU agrees on a package that will ensure financial stability. It agreed to a "special purpose vehicle", later called the European Financial Stability Facility (EFSF) of 440 billion euros. The EFSF should be used for, among others, recapitalization of the banks. The EFSF should be able to act on secondary markets to prevent contamination. It seemed to bring calm, but that is short lived.

The European Commission also announced measures that should prevent deficits in the national budget, the so-called six pack. Also sanctions are laid down in European legislation that makes it possible to punish the budget sinners.

7. In the same month Spain and Portugal announced budget cuts with the aim to restore the confidence of the financial markets. The European Central Bank (ECB) starts with interventions and buys bonds from weak countries for a total of 165 billion euros. Maintaining confidence in the financial sector the European Summit announces a stress test for banks. Of the 91 banks tested, 7 banks do not meet the criteria.

8. In the summer of 2010 it becomes clear that Ireland also has problems. This is mainly due to the mortgage loans from banks. A second Lehman debacle threatens.

9. In November, Ireland received an aid package of 67.5 billion Euros. A blueprint for a European Stability Mechanism ESM is designed that will start functioning from 2013 onwards and which is open for private sector participation.

10. In March 2011, the European Summit establishes rules for the ESM. Also the six pack prevention measures are decided to which President Sarkozy and Bundeskanzler Merkel are less strict than the European Parliament, the European Commission and the Finance Ministers from the Eurozone.

11. In May a rescue plan is set for Portugal of 78 billion euros.

12. In June the European Parliament approves the package of preventive measures.

13. In June 2011 the Greek Parliament votes in favor of a drastic austerity package.

14. In July 2011 another stress test for banks is held. Now eight large banks failed to meet the requirements. A new emergency plan for Greece is setteld, worth 109 billion euros. It is decided that the financial private sector should also contribute in addition to the 109 billion euro.

15. The ECB buys more and more Italian and Spanish debt (34 billion) and thus stretches its role to prevent the interest on the Spanish and Italian debt continue to widen.

16. In October 2011, the Greek problem again is larger than expected. However, the country has cut back a lot. The 1913 budget will be balanced. But the interests charged for loans are an excessive burden. The economic downturn is much larger than anticipated. Privatisations are going to slow and do not generate enough money. Instead of 109 billion euro, one need 250 billion and when things go even worse than about 444 billion will be needed on top of the 110 in July 2010. The choice now is a "haircut" of debts or a bankruptcy for Greece. But volontary amortization of financiers (banks) can bring them into trouble too.

17. The debt of Greece will be reduced to 120% of the national budget, to get there in 2020.

The EFSF with its 440 billion Euro in guarantees from which after contributions to Ireland and Portugal remains 290 billion Euros, will be increased to 1000 billion. Private investors are invited to participate in the  Stability Fund. The exact termes have to be worked out.
The banks have to write off 50% of the money loaned to Greece. This will require 106 billion Euro. Banks will initially look for this money through the market, if it is not possible, they can borrow money before the EFSF.
As of July 2013 or possibly earlier the European Emergency Fund will have an amount of 80 billion euros. The European Commission investigates the possibility the release of eurobonds.

It has been agreed that each country adheres to the Stability Pact. Italy is committed to a balanced budget in 2013 and a surplus in 2014 so government debt will be reduced to 113% of the budget.
President of the European Council Van Rompuy, President of the European Commission Barroso and President of the Eurogroup Juncker prepare treaty changes. These are aimed to guarantee more financial stability and to promote more economic cooperation.

Thanks to the European Parliament member Ria Oomen-Ruijten

THE LIMA DECLARATION / DECLARACION DE LIMA

 

During the Third Meeting of the Latin American Coordination of the World Organization of Workers CLAC-WOW (28 of September – 1 of October) in Lima, Peru the “Declaration of Lima” was approved (see: Latin American Trade Unionists meet inLima). 

Durante la Tercera Reunión de la Coordinadora Latinoamericana de la Organización Mundial de Trabajadores CLAC-WOW (28 de septiembre - 1 de octubre) en Lima, Perú se aprobo la "Declaración de Lima" (ver:Latin American Trade Unionists meet in Lima).

The future of Peru (photo 29/09/2011 before the Cathedral on the Plaza de Armas, Lima)

DECLARATION OF LIMA

The Trade Union Organizations gathered at the Third Meeting of the Latin American Coordination of the World Organization of Workers, held in Lima on 28, 29 and 30 September 2011 note the following:

1.    New technologies and globalization have generated relative economic growth in Latin America and the Caribbean, but rates of unemployment, underemployment, informal workers, lack of social protection and poverty have not changed significantly and may worsen in the context of the global economic crisis.

2.    In Latin America and the Caribbean, governments persist in establishing public policies regardless of the participation of trade unions, ignoring their role as social actors and protagonists of profound change, as evidenced by the history of organized labour.

3.    In this context, more than 50% of young Latin American and Caribbean workers, between 15 and 25 years of age, lack the opportunities for entering the labour-market, and those who enter a position, receive wages below the vital minimum and without any social security protection.

4.    In labour-relations in our region persists gender inequality as well as discrimination for reasons of ethnicity, social position, age, among others.

5.    The number of self-managed, autonomous male and female workers in Latin America and the Caribbean is growing, but they are in lack of a representative and effective organization to ensure their rights against economic aggression of large corporate structures and the inexistence of adequate social protection.

Given this situation we declare the following.

1.    As unions and social actors, we are active participants in the formulation of public policies based on social dialogue, which promote employment without discrimination whatsoever, the integral social development and the creation of decent jobs.

2.    We demand full compliance with international standards of protection of economic, social and cultural rights of male and female workers, as established by the rules of the International Labour Organization.

3.    We demand government implementation of legislative and economic politics for the improvement of working conditions for all workers, with special attention to those most disadvantaged: women, youth, indigenous peoples, self-employed and self-managed workers amongst others.

Lima, September 30, 2011

 The young ones of Lima, Peru. (photo 29/09/2011 before the Cathedral on the Plaza de Armas, Lima) 

DECLARACIÓN DE LIMA

Las Organizaciones Sindicales reunidas en el III Encuentro de la Coordinadora Latinoamericana de la Organización Mundial de Trabajadores, realizado en Lima los días 28, 29 y 30 de septiembre del 2011,  señalamos lo siguiente:

Las nuevas tecnologías y la apertura económica mundial han generado un relativo crecimiento económico en América Latina y el Caribe, sin embargo las tasas de desempleo, subempleo, informalidad, desprotección social y pobreza no han variado significativamente y pueden empeorar en el contexto de la crisis económica mundial.

En América Latina y el Caribe, los gobiernos persisten en establecer políticas públicas al margen de la participación de las organizaciones sindicales, desconociendo su rol de actores sociales y protagonistas de profundas transformaciones, tal como lo acredita la historia del movimiento sindical.

En este contexto, más del 50% de  jóvenes latinoamericanos y caribeños, entre 15 a 25 años de edad, carecen de oportunidades para acceder al mercado laboral,  y aquellos que acceden a un puesto de trabajo, perciben  remuneraciones inferiores al mínimo vital y sin ninguna protección de seguridad social.

En las relaciones laborales de nuestra región, siguen persistiendo las desigualdades de género, discriminación que también se manifiesta por razones de origen étnico, sector social, edad, entre otras.

 Las trabajadoras y los trabajadores autónomos y autogestionarios son colectivos en crecimiento en América  Latina y el Caribe, pero carentes de una organización representativa y eficaz que vele por sus derechos frente a la agresividad económica de las grandes estructuras empresariales y la inexistencia de una protección social adecuada.

Ante esta situación, manifestamos lo siguiente.

1.    Los sindicatos, en tanto actores sociales, somos sujetos activos para la formulación de políticas públicas sobre la base del diálogo social, en las que se promueva el empleo sin discriminación alguna, el desarrollo social integral y la creación de puestos de trabajo decentes.

2.    Exigimos el pleno cumplimiento de los estándares internacionales de protección de los derechos económicos, sociales y culturales de los trabajadores y trabajadoras, reconocidos en la normativa de la Organización Internacional del Trabajo. 

3.    Exigimos a los poderes públicos la puesta en práctica de medidas políticas, legislativas y económicas para la mejora de las condiciones laborales de todos los trabajadores, prestando especial atención a aquellos sectores más desfavorecidos: mujeres, jóvenes, pueblos originarios, trabajadores autónomos y autogestionarios, entre otros.

Lima, 30 de septiembre del 2011